129721
HISTORY OP THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH
HI8TOET
CHKISTIAN OHTJECH
PHILIP SCHAFF
Chrhtianw mm : Christiani nihil a me alienum puto
VOL. IV.
MEDLEVAL CHRISTIANITY
FKOM GittsjGORY I TO GREGOKY VII
A.D. 590-1073
WM* B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY
GRAND RAPIDS MICHIGAN
COPYRIGHT, 1910, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNKR'S BONB
Reproduced by special arrangement
with the original publisher
Library of Congress Number 39*3700
PHOTOLITHOPRIOTED BY GUSHING - MALLOY, INC,
ANN ARBOR, MICHIGAN, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
CONTENTS
MEDI^EVAJL CHRISTIANITY
FROM A. D. 590-1517.
CHAPTER I. PAGE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO MEDIAEVAL CHURCH HISTORY.
2 1. Sources and Literature, 1
g 2. The Middle Age. Limits and General character, ... 5
2 3. The Nations of Mediaeval Christianity, Kelt, Teuton, Slav, . 7
J 4. Genius of Mediaeval Christianity, 11
2 5. Periods of the Middle Age, 14
FOURTH PERIOD.
THE CHURCH AMONG THE BARBAKIAm
ffirom Gregory I. to Gregory VII*
A. D. 590—1049 (1073).
CHAPTER II-
THE CoisrvBESioK OF THE NORTHERN ASTD WESTERN BARBARIANS.
2 6. Character of Mediaeval Missions, 17
I* The Conversion of England, Ireland, and Scotland.
2 7. Literature, . r 19
2 '"8. The Britons, 22
2 ^. The Anglo-Saxons, 27
2 #0. The Mission of Gregory and Augustin. Conversion of Kent, . 30
2<-<Tl. Antagonism of the Saxon and British Clergy, . 35
\ 12. Conversion of the other Kingdoms of the Heptarchy, . . . 37
2 13. Conformity to Borne Established. Wilfrid, Theodore, Bede, . 39
2 1^4. Conversion of Ireland. St. Patrick, St. Bridget, . 43
„ (Critical Note on St. Patrick).
245. The Irish Church after St. Patrick, 52
vii
vni CONTENTS.
TAOE
3 #6*. Subjection of Ireland to English and Roman Rule, * . . 58
\ ,17. Conversion oi' Scotland. St. Ninuui and St. Iventigern, . 01
\ 18. St. Columba and the Monastery of lona, tf \
\ 19. The Culdees, 712
\ 20. Extinction of the Keltic Church, and Triumph of Rome under
King David I., 75
II. The Conversion of France, Germany, and Adjacent Countries.
General Literature, 77
2 21. Arian Christianity among the Goths and other Gorman Tribetf, . 77
Conversion of Olovis and the Franks, 80
. OolumbanuH and the Irish Missionaries on the Continent, . . 84
?,* 21. German Missionaries before Boniface, 8!)
g 25. Boniface, the Apostle of Germany, 92
2 26. Pupils Of Boniface. Willibald, Gregory of Utrecht, Sturm of
Fultla, 100
g. .27. (Conversion of the Saxons. Charlemagne and Alcuin. The IIc-
liand and the Gospel Harmony, ...... 10S5
HI. The Cvnver&ion of Scandinavia.
General Literature, * 100
3 28, Scandinavian Heathenism, 107
Christianization of Denmark. St. Anfigar, , * , „ HO
0. Christianization of Sweden, . 118
g *31. Christianization of Norway and Iceland, . 120
IV. The Christianimtion of the Slavs.
§ 32. General Survey, 124
g 33. Christian Missions among the Wonds, . , " . . . 12(1
g 34. Cyrillus and Methodius, the Apostles of the Slavs, Christioniza*
tion of Moravia, Bohemia and Poland, . . . . . 12H
g $5. Conversion of the Bulgarians, . * , . , * j&|
g 36. Conversion of the Magyars, 1,V>
%*&J. Christianizatioa of Russia, .*...,. 135
CHAPTER III.
MOHAMMEDANISM IN ITS KBLATIOMT TO CBUUSTIANXTY,
g 38. Literature, , . * 4 , t 143
g ^9. Statistics and Chronological Table, 14B
g JK). Position of Mohammedanism'in Church History, . , . 150
g dd. The Home, and the Antecedents of Mam, * » * . 155
g 42. Life and Character of Mohammed, IftO
g ,43. The Conquests of IsUm, 17 j
g 44. The Koran and the Bible, . 174
2 45. The Mohammedan Beligion, *«***•» 183
CONTENTS. ix
PAGE
§ 46. Mohammedan Worship, . 190
I 47. Christian Polemics against Islam. Note on Mormoaism, 195
CHAPTER IV.
THB PAPAL HIEBARCHY AND THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE.
\ 48. General Literature on the Papacy, 203
Chronological Table of the Popes, Anti-Popes and Emperors from
Gregory I. A. D. 590 to Leo. XIII. A. D. 1878, . - 205
Gregory the Great. A. D. 590-604, 211
*$ 51. Gregory and the Universal Episcopate 218
§ 52. The Writings of Gregory, 225
v# 53. The Papacy from Gregory I. to Gregory II A. D. 604-715, . 230
g 54. From Gregory II. to Zacharias. A. D. 715-741, . . . 23J
v, g 55. Alliance of the Papacy with the New Monarchy of the Franks.
Pepin and the Patrimony of St. Peter. A. D. 741-755, . 232
4"56. Charlemagne. A. D 768-814. 236
,% 57, Founding of the Holy Eoman Empire. A.D. 800. Charlemagne
and Leo IIL, 250
4 58. Survey of the History of the Holy Eoman Empire, . . .255
, g 59. The Papacy and the Empire from the Death of Charlemagne to
Nicolas I. A. D. 814-858. Myth of the Papess Joan, . 264
J 60. The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, 266
{ 161. Nicolas I. April, 858—Nov. 13, 867, 273
{ 62 Adrian II. and John VIIL, A. D. 867-882, . 277
\ 63. Degradation of the Papacy in the Tenth Century, ... 279
\ 64. Interference of Otho the Great, 288
g 65. Second Degradation of the Papacy from Otho I. to Henry IIT.
A. D. 973-1046 293
$ 66. Henry III. and the Synod of Sufcri. Deposition of Three Rival
Popes. A. D. 1046 299
CHAPTEB V.
THE CONFLICT OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN- CHURCHES AND THEIR
SBPABATION.
g 67. Sources and Literature on the Oriental Schism, .... 304
Consensus and Dissensus between the Greek and Latin Churches, 306
Causes of Separation, 309
The Patriarch and the Pope. Photius and Nicolas, , . .312
-4 71- Progress and Completion of the Schism. Cerularius. 1054. . 317
Fruitless Attempts at Eeunion, ...'... 321
CONTENTS.
CHAPTEB VI.
MORALS AND RELIGION.
? 73. Literature, 32ft
1 74. General Character of Mediaeval Morals, t 327
§ 75. Clerical Morals, 330
1 70. Domestic Life, 333
\ 77. Slavery, 334
2 78. Feuds and Private War. The Truce of God, 339
g 79. The Ordeal, 341
? 80. The Torture, .348
\ 81. Christian Charity, 355
CHAPTEB VII.
MONASTICISM-
2 82. Use of Convents in the Middle Ages, . .... 363
\ 83. St. Benedict, St. Nilus, St. Bomuald, 364
2 84. The Convent of Cluny, ........ 307
CHAPTEB VI It.
CHURCH Dnorauonu
§ 85. The Penitential Books, 871
Jj-86. Eccleaiaatical Punishments. Excommunication, Anathema, In*
terdict, 376
2 87. Penance and Indulgence, $81
CHAPTEB IX.
CHTCBOH AND STATIC.
\ 88. Legislation . . 386
\ 89. The Roman Law, ......... 388
290 The Capitularies of Charlemagne, 390
\ 91. English Legislation, 393
CONTENTS. xi
CHAPTEB X.
WORSHIP AND CEREMONIES.
PAGE
\ 92. The Mass, 397
\ 93. The Sermon, 399
\ 94. Church Poetry. Greek Hymns and Hymnists, .... 402
2 95. Latin Hymnody. Literature, 416
g 96. Latin Hymns and Hymnists, ....... 420
\ 97. The Seven Sacraments, 436
2 98. The Organ and the Bell, 439
\ 99. The Worship of Saints, 442
£ 100. The Worship of Images. Literature. Different Theories, . 447
, \ 101. The Iconoclastic War, and the Synod of 754, ... 454
4 102. The Eestoration of Image- Worship and the Seventh (Ecumenical
Council, A. D. 787, 459
5 103. Iconoclastic Reaction and Final Triumph of Image- Worship.
A. D. 842, 464
\ 104. The Caroline Bookq and the Frankish Church, ... 465
\ 105. Evangelical Reformers. Agobard of Lyons and Claudius of Turin, 470
CHAPTER XL
DOCTRINAI. CONTROVERSIES.
2 106. General Survey 475
\ 107. I. The PROCESSION of the Holy Spirit, 476
§ 108. The Arguments for and against the Filioque, .... 484
g 109. II. The MONOTHELETIC Controversy. Literature, . . . 489
3 110. The Doctrine of Two Wills in Christ, 490
?. 111. History of Monothelctiam and Dyotheletism, ... 494
\ 112, The Sixth (Ecumenical Council. A.D. 680, . . . .499
g 113. The Heresy of Honoring 500
\ 114. Concilium Qninisextom, A-D. 692, 507
J 115. Reaction of Monotheletism. The Maronites, .... 510
g 116. Ill- The APOPTIONIST Controversy. Literature, . . .511
g 117. History of Adoptionism, 513
1 118. Doctrine of Adoptionism, 517
\ 119. TV. The PRBDKSTINAEIAN Controversy. Literature „ . 522
g 120. Gottwhalk and Rabanus Maurus, 525
2 121. Oottnchalk and Hinemar, 528
5 122. The Contending Theories of Predestination, and the Victory of
Semi-Augufttiniamsm, 530
1 123. The Doctrine of Hootiw Erigena on Predestination and Free Will 539
1 124. V. The ETJOHARISTIC Controversies. Literature, . . . 543
J 125. The Two Theories of the Lord's Supper, .... 544
xn CONTENTS.
PAOR
\ 126. The Theory of Paschaaius Badhertus, r>.|<>
2 127. The Theory of Eatranmus, Mi)
$ 128 The Berengar Controversy, * ftfrj
8 129. Berengar's Theory of the Lord's Supper, .... r>04
2 130 Lanfranc and the Triumph of TranHuhstantiation, . . . <%7
CHAPTER XIL
HEKETICAL SKCTS.
g 131. The PaulicianB, 571?
\ Itt2. The Euchites and other Sects iu the East, 578
1 133, The New Mauichseans in the West, 680
CHAPTER X1IL
TUB STATE OF LEAKNINU.
g 134 Literature, 583
\ 135. Literary Character of the early Middle A#w, . . . W*
g 130. Learning in the Eastern Churchy f>8fi
3 137. Christian Platonism and the Pseudo-Dionynian Writingn, . T)H9
g 138. Ignorance In the We«t, ..." 0(M)
§ 139. Educational Efforts of the T^atin Ohurch, .... 004
\ 140. Charles the Great, an<l (1harl<w the Bald, . (U4
\ 141. King Alfred, and Education iu England, 618
CHAPTER XIV.
BlOGBAPmCAL SlOJTOim OF TIT*] EoOLKSrASTIOAXi
2 142. Ohronologist Lint of the Principal Ecclesiastical Writer** trow
the Sixth to the Twelfth Century, . . . . . 621
I. GBBEK AUTIIOES.
\ 143. St. Maximus Confessor, 622
J144 Rfc. John of Damaflcus, m\
\ 145. Photius, 6IJG
2 146. Simeon Metaphrastes, , 642
\ 147. (Ecuraonius, 64J1
\ 148. Theophylact, . 643
\ 149. Michael Pselins, . ... k .... 046
\ 150. Euthyraius Zigabenus 647
\ 151. Eustathius of Thessalonica, ,648
\ 152. Nicetas Acorninatos, 652
CONTENTS. xin
II. LATIN ATJTHOBS.
PAGE
g 153 Cas&iodorus, 653
g 154. St. Gregory of Tours, . 658
g 155. St Isidore of Seville, 662
g 156. The Venerable Bede, 669
g 157. Paul the Deacon, 677
g 158 St. Paulinus of Aquileia, 681
g 159. Alcuin, 684
g 160. St. Liudger, ... 691
g 161. Theodulph of Orleans, . " 695
g 162. St. JBipl, 699
g 163 Amalarius, 701
g 104 Einhard, ,...,. 704
g 165. Smaragdus 709
g 166 Jonas of Orleans, . 711
g 167. Babanus Maurus, 713
g 168 Haymo of JIalberstadt, 72y
g 169 Walahfrid Strabo, 729
g 170. Floras Ma^ister of Lyons, 733
g 171 Servatns Lupus, 735
g 172 Druthmar, .... 739
g 173. St Paschasius Badbertus, 741
% 174. Katramnus, , 746
g 175. Hincmar of Bheims, 750
g 176. Seolus Erigena, 761
8 177 Anaatasius ....'. 774
g 178. Eatherius of Verona, 776
g 179. Gerbort (Sylvester II.), 777
g 180. Fulbert of Chartrea, 782
\ 181. Bodulfus Glaber. Adam of Bremen 785
\ 182. St. Peter Damiani, 787
ALPHABETICAL ItfiDTGX 793
HISTORY
OF
MEDIEVAL CHRISTIANITY
FROM A.D.590 TO 1517.
CHAPTER I.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO MEDIAEVAL CHURCH HISTORY.
§ 1. Son/roes and IM&rcdwre.
POTTHAST : JSibliotheea JERstorica Medii Acwi. Wegweiser durch
die Geschichtswerfa des Europdischen Mittelalters von 375-1500. Ber-
lin, 1862. Supplement, 1868.
The mediaeval literature embraces four distinct branches,
1. The Romano-Germanic or Western Christian;
2, The Graco-Byzantine or Eastern Christian;
3* The Talmudic and Rabbinical;
4. The Arabic and Mohammedan.
We notice here only the first and second ; the other two will be mentioned
in subdivisions as far as they are connected with church history,
The Christian literature consists partly of documentary sources, partly of
historical works. We confine ourselves here to the most important
works of a more general character. Books referring to particular
countries and sections of church history will be noticed in the
progress of the narrative.
I. DOCUMENTARY SOURCES.
They are mostly in Latin— the official language of the Western Church,—
and in Greek, — the official language of the Eastern Church.
2 MEDIEVAL CHURCH IIIBTOBV.
(1) For the history of missions : the letters and biographies of mis-
sionaries.
(2) For church polity and government: the official letters of popes,
patriarchs, and bishops.
The documents of the papal court embrace (a) Rcgcsta (m/wtfra), the
transactions of the various branches of the papal government from
A. D. 111)8-1572, deposited in the Vatican library, and dillieulL of
access, (b) J®pi*tofa decretalex, which constitute the basis of the
Corpus juris canonici, brought to a close in 1318. («) The bull*
(butta, a seal or stamp of globular Jtbrm, though some derive it from
J3ovM/9 will, decree) and brie/* (breve, a short, concise summary), i. e.,
the official letters since the conclusion of the canou law. They are
of equal authority, but the bulls differ from tho briefs by their more
solemn form. The bulls are written on parchment, and sualod with
a seal of lead or gold, which ia stamped on one Hide with the effigies
of Peter and Paul, and on the other with the name of tho roiguiug
pope, and attached to the instrument by a string ; while tho brief** are
written on paper, sealed with red wax, and impressed with tho Heal
of the fisherman or Peter in a boat.
(3) For tho history of Christian life: tho biographies of HamtH, the
disciplinary canons of «ynods, the ascetic literature.
(4) For worship and ceremonies : liturgies, hymns, homilies, works of
architecture, Hcuipture, painting, poetry, music. Tho Gothic cathe-
drals are as striking embodiments of medieval Christianity an the
Egyptian pyramids are of the civilization of the Pharaohs,
(5) For theology and Christian learning: the works of tho later fathers
(beginning with Gregory L), schoolmen, mystics, ami the forerunners
of the information.
II. DOCUMENTARY COLLECTIONS. WOEKB ov MEM./KVAL WJUTOIIS.
(1) For tho Oriental Church.
Corpus tfcriptorum IfiAtoritz Byzantinn, opera NiEBtrHRH, BKKKBRI, ct aL
Bonnse, 1828-78, 60 vols. 8vo. Contains a complete history of tho
East-Roman Empire from the sixth century to its fall. The chief
writers are ZONAKAS, from tho Creation to A. D. 1118 ; NIOBTAB, from
1118 to 1206; GIUSUORAB, from 1204 to 1859; JUoNioun, from 1208
to 1463; DTJOAS, from 1841 to 1462; PHBANTZEH, from 1401 to 1477.
J. A. FABBIOITJS (d. 1736) : Biblwtheca, Graoa me Notitia Smptorum
veferum Cfraoorum, 4th ed., by ft Chr. ITarlm, with additions.
Hamburg, 1790-1811, 12 vols. A supplement by S. F. W, HOOT*
HANK: Hibliographwches Lexicon der gesammten Literatur der
Griechen. Leipzig, 1838-'45, 8 vols.
(2) For the Western Church,
Bibtiotheca Maxima fatrwto. Lugduni, 1677, 27 vols, foL
MABTENE (d. 1789) and DUEAND (d. 1773) : Thttaurus Anccdotorum
Nww, seu Cbttectio Mmumentorwn, etc. Paris, 1717, 5 vote* foi
By the same : Vettrum Swiptorum et Mwtmenforim Cbtibotfo
Paris, 1724-'83, 9 vols. fol.
§ 1. SOURCES AND LITERATURE. 3
J. A. FABRICITJS: Bibliotheca Latina Media et Infimce jSStatis. Hamb.
1734, and with supplem. 1754, 6 vols. 4to.
Abbe MIGHSTE : Patralogice Oursus Completes, sive Bibliotheca Unwersalis . . .
Patrum, etc. Paris, 1844-'66. The Latin series (1844-'55) has 221
vols. (4 vols. indices) ; the Greek series (1857-'66) has 166 vols. The
Latin series, from torn. 80-217, contains the writers from Gregory
the Great to Innocent III. Eeprints of older editions, and most
valuable for completeness and convenience, though lacking in
critical accuracy.
Abbe HORAY : Medii JEvi Bibliotheca Patrlstica ab anno MOCXVI usque
ad Oondlii Tridentini Tempora. Paris, 1879 sqq. A continuation of
Migne in the same style. The first 4 vols. contain the Opera
Honorii III.
JOAN. DOMIN. MAKSI (archbishop of Lucca, d. 1769) : tiacrorum Con-
ciliorum nova et amplissima ColletMo. Florence and Venice 175$-
1798, 31 vols. fol. The best collection down to 1509. A new ed.
(fac-simile) publ. by Victor Palm£, Paris and Berlin 1884 sqq.
Earlier collections of Councils by LABB£ and OOSSABT (1671-72,
18 vols), COLET (with the supplements of Mansi, 1728-52, 29 vols.
fol.), and HABDOXTIN (1715, 12 vols. fol.).
0. COCQUELIHES : Magnum Bullarmm Eomanum. Bullarum, Privilegw-
rum ac Xtiptomatum JKomanorum Pontificum usque ad Clementem Xn.
amplissima Oolkctio. Eom. 1738-58. 14 Tom. fol. in 28 Partes;
new ed. 1847-72, in 24 vols.
A. A* BABBEBI : Magni BuUarii Bom. Continuatio a Clemente XH£. ad
Hum FIJI. (1758-1830). Eom. 1835-'57, 18 vols. foL The bulls
of Gregory XVI. appeared 1857 in 1 vol.
G. H. PBBTZ (d. 1876) : Mbnumenta Germanic Historica. Hannov. 1826-
1879. 24 vols. fol. Continued by G. WAITS.
III. DOCUMEOTAKY HISTORIES.
Jicta Sanctorum BOLLAKDISTARTTM. Antw. Bnixellis et Tongerloae, 1643-
1794 ; Brux. 1845 sqq., new ed. Paris, 1868-'75, in 61 vols. fol. (with
supplement). Boo a list of contents in the seventh volume for June
or the first volume for October ; also in the second part of Potfchast,
sub "Vita," pp. 575 sqq.
This monumental work of John Bolland (a learned Jesuit, 1596-
1665), Oodefr. ffewchen (fl681), Dan. Papebroch (f!714), and their as-
sociates and followers, called Bollandiats, contains biographies of all
the saints of the Catholic Church in the order of the calendar, and
divided into months. They are not critical histories, but compila-
tions of an immense material of facts and fiction, which Ulustrate
the life and manners of the ancient and mediaeval church. Potthast
justly calls it a " nesenhaftes DenJmal wwenschaftMchen Strebens." It
was carried on with the fcid of the Belgic government, which con-
tributed (since 1837) 6,000 francs annually.
4 MEDLffiVAL CHURCH HISTORY.
dm. BARONOTS (d. 1607) : Annales eccZeaiastid a Ohruto nato ad annum
1198. Rom. 1588-1593, 12 vols. Continued by IUYNALDT (from
1198 to 1505), LADERCIII (from 1566-1571), and A. THKINKR (1572-
1584). Beat ed. by Maim9 with the continuations* of Raynaldi,
and the Oritica of Pagi, Lucca, 1738-'59, 35 voK fol text, and 3 vols,
of index univcrsalis. A new ed. by A. T/ieiwr (d. 1874), Bar-le-Duc,
1864 sqq. Likewise a work of herculean industry, but to bo used
with critical caution, as it contains many spurioua doctunoniw, legends
and fictions, and is written in the interest and defence of the papacy.
IV. MODEBN HlSTOEIES OJP THE MIDDLE AGES.
J. M. F. F&AHTIN: Annaks du moyen age. Dijon, 1825, 8 voK 8vo.
F. HEHM : Ocschichte des Mlttetalters. Marbg, 1821-938, 4 VO!H. 8vo.
HBINEICH LEO: Qeschichte des Mittclalters. Halle, 1830, 2 vol«.
CHARPEOTIEB : Jfflstoire literaire du moyen age. Par. 1833.
R. HAMPSON: MediiJSoi Calendarium, or X>at&*, Charter*, and (Jwtom
of the Middle Ages, with K<den^*Jr<m the J£t,h to the XVth century.
London, 1841, 2 v6ls, 8vo.
HEISTBY HALLAM (d. 1859) : View of the Stats, of Europe during the ARddle
Ages. London, 1818, 3d ed. 184B, Boston ed. 18G4 in 8 vok By tlio
same: Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the 15M, 16^/A, and
17th centuries. Several ed., Engl. and Am. Boston ed. 1864 in 4
vok.; N. York, 1880, in 4 volfl.
OHABLES HARDWICK (f!859) : A History of tlie Christian, Church. Middfo
Age. 3d ed. by Stubbs, London, 1872.
HENEY HAET MILMAK (f!868) : JBRstory of Latin Christianity; includ-
ing tlwt of the Popes to the Pontificate of Nicholas V. London and N,
York, 1854> 8 vols., new ed., N. York (A. 0. AnnKtrong & Bon), 1880.
RTOHAK.D CHEKEVIX TEENOH (Archbishop of Dublin) : fartum on
McdicwaZ Church History. London, 1877, republ N. York, 1878.
V. THE MEDIEVAL SECTIONS OP THE GENEKAL OUURCII UIHTORIIGR.
(a) Roman Catholic: BABONTUS (see above), FLETJEY, MO'IIWOR, Ai^oo,
DOLLWGEB (before 1870), HEBGENBOTHEB.
(b) Protestant: MOSHEIM, SOHBOOKH, QIESELEB, NBANDKB* BATJB,
HAGENBAOH, ROBEBTSOK Also GIBBON'S Dentine and Fdl of the
Bom. Empire (Win, Smith's ed,), from ch. 45 to the cloHo,
VI. AtTXILIABY.
DOMIN, DXJ OANGE (Charles du Fresne, d. 1688) : Glos&arium ad Scriptore*
medics et infivwe Latinitatis, Paris, 1678; new ed. by Htwchtl, Par.
1840-'50, in 7 vols. 4to; and again by JFavre, 1883 Bqq.— By the
eame: Olossarium ad Scriptorcs media* et infimte GrascitcUis^ Par*
1682, and Lugd. Batav. 1688, 2 vols. fol. These two works are the
philological keys to the knowledge of medieval church history.
An English ed. of the Latin glossary has been announced by John
Murray, of London: Mcdiceval Latin-English Dictionary, based upon
the great wort of Du Gange. With additions and correction by E, A*
DAYMAN.
§ 2. THE MIDDLE AGE. LIMITS AND GENERAL CHARACTER, 5
§ 2. The MMdle Age. Limits and General Character.
The MIDDLE Age, as the term implies, is the period which
intervenes between ancient and modern times, and connects them,
by continuing the one, and preparing for the other. It forms
the transition from the Graeco-Roman civilization to the Romano-
Germanic civilization, which gradually arose out of the inter-
vening chaos of barbarism. The connecting link is Christianity^
which saved the best elements of the old, and directed and
moulded the new order of things.
Politically, the middle age dates from the great migration of
nations and the downfall of the western Roman Empire in the
fifth century; but for ecclesiastical history it begins with Gre-
gory the Great, the last of the fathers and the first of the popes,
at the close of the sixth century. Its termination, both for secu-
lar and ecclesiastical history, is the Reformation of the sixteenth
century (1517), which introduces the modern age of the Chris-
tian era. Some date modern history from the invention of the
art of printing, or from the discovery of America, which pre-
ceded the Reformation ; but these events were only preparatory
to a great reform movement and extension of the Christian
trorid.
The theatre of mediaeval Christianity is mainly Europe. In
"Western Asia and North Africa, the Cross was supplanted
by the Crescent ; and America, which opened a new field for
the ever-expanding energies of history, was not discovered
until the close of the fifteenth century,
Europe was peopled by a warlike emigration of heathen bar-
barians from Asia, as America is peopled by a peaceful emigra-
tion from civilized and Christian Europe.
The great migration of nations marks a turning point in the
history of religion and civilization. It was destructive in its
first effects, and appeared like the doom of the judgment-day;
but it proved the harbinger of a new creation, the chaos pre-
ceding the cosmos. The change was brought about gradually.
The forces of the old Greek and Roman world continued to
6 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH HISTORY.
work for centuries alongside of the new elements. The barbarian
irruption came not like a single torrent which passes by, but as
the tide which advances and retires, returns and at last becomes
master of the flooded soil. The savages of the north swept
down the valley of the Danube to the borders of the Greek
Empire, and southward over the Rhine and the Vosges into
Gaul, across the Alps into Italy, and across the Pyrenees into
Spain. They were not a single people, but many independent
tribes; not an organized army of a conqueror, but irregular
hordes of wild warriors ruled by intrepid kings ; not directed
by the ambition of one controlling genius, like Alexander or
Csesar, but prompted by the irresistible impulse 'of an historical
instinct, and unconsciously bearing in their rear the future des-
tinies of Europe and America. They brought with them fire
and sword, destruction and desolation, but also life and vigor,
respect for woman, sense of honor, love of liberty — noble in-
stincts, which, being purified and developed by Christianity,
became the governing principles of a higher civilization than
that of Greece and Borne. The Christian monk Salvian, who
lived in the midst of the barbarian flood, in the middle of the
fifth century, draws a most gloomy and appalling picture of the
vices of the orthodox Romans of his time, and docs not hesitate
to give preference to the heretical (Arian) and heathen barba-
rians, " whose chastity purifies the earth, deep stained with the
Eoman debauches/' St. Augustin (d. 430), who took a more
sober and comprehensive view, intimates, in his great work on
the City of God, the possibility of the rise of a new and bettor
civilization from the ruins of the old [Roman empire; and his
pupil, Orosius, clearly expresses this hopeful view. "Men
assert/' he says, " that the barbarians are enemies of the State.
I reply that all the East thought tike same of tho great Alexan-
der ; the Eomans also seemed no better than tho enemies of all
society to the nations afar off, whose repose they troubled. But
the Greeks, you say, established empires; the Germans overthrow
them. Well, the Macedonians began by subduing the nations
which afterwards they civilized. The Germans are now upset-
§3. THE NATIONS OF MEDIAEVAL CHRISTIANITY. 7
ting all this world ; but if, which Heaven avert, they finish by
continuing to be its masters, peradventure some day posterity
will salute with the title of great princes those in whom we at
this day can see nothing but enemies."
§ 3. The Nations of Medieval Christianity. The Kelt, the
Teuton, and the Slav.
The new national forces which now enter upon the arena of
church-history may be divided into four groups :
1. The EOMANIC or LATIN nations of Southern Europe, in-
cluding the Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese and French. They
are the natural descendants and heirs of the old Koman nation-
ality and Latin Christianity, yet mixed with the new Keltic
and Germanic forces. Their languages are all derived from the
Latin ; they inherited Eoman laws and customs, and adhered to
the Roman See as the centre of their ecclesiastical organization ;
they carried Christianity to the advancing barbarians, and by
their superior civilization gave laws to the conquerors. They
still adhere, with their descendants in Central and South Ame-
rica, to the Roman Catholic Church.
2. The KELTIC race, embracing the Gauls, old Britons, the
Plots and Scots, the Welsh and Irish with their numerous emi-
grants in all the large cities of Great Britain and the United
States, appear in history several hundred years before Christ, as
the first light wave of the vast Aryan migration from the mys-
terious bowels of Asia, which swept to the borders of the extreme
West.1 The Gauls were conquered by Caesar, but afterwards
i Kefoot or K.&TCU, OWtee, TaUrat, GafaUe or Gdati> Gatti, Gad. Some
derive it from celt, a cover, shelter; others from celu (Lat. cdo) to conceal. Hero-
dotus first mentions them, as dwelling in the extreme northwest of Europe. On
those terms see Diefenbach, CeUica, Branded, Kelten, wnd Germanen, Thierry, His-
loire des Gaufois, the art. GaM in Paul/s Eealencyclopddie^ and the introductions
to the critical Commentaries on the Galatians by Wieseler and Lightfoot (and
Lightfootf s Excursus L). The Galatians in Asia Minor, to whom Paul addressed
his epistle, were a branch of the Keltic race, which either separated from the
main current of the westward migration, or, being obstructed by the ocean,
retraced their steps, and turned eastward. Wieseler (in his Com, and in several
articles in the "Studien und Kritiken," and in the "Zeitschrift fur Kirchen-
geschichte," 1877 No. 1) tries to make them Germans, a view first hinted at
8 MEDIAEVAL CHURCH HISTORY.
commingled with the Teutonic Francs, who founded the French
monarchy. The Britons were likewise subdued by the liomans,
and afterwards driven to Wales and Cornwall by the Anglo-
Saxons. The Scotch in the highlands (Gaels) remained Keltic,
while in the lowlands they mixed with Saxons and Normans.
The mental characteristics of the Kelts remain unchanged for
two thousand years: quick wit, fluent speech, vivacity, spright-
liness, impressibility, personal bravery and daring, loyalty to the
chief or the clan, but also levity, fickleness, quarrelsomeness and
incapacity for self-government. "They shook all empires, but
founded none/' The elder Cato says of them : " To two things
are the Kelts most attent: to fighting (ar$ militariti), ami to
adroitness of speech (argute loqufy" Csesar censures their love
of levity and change. The apostle Paul complains of the
same weakness. Thierry, their historian, well describes them
thus: "Their prominent attributes are personal valor, in which
they excel all nations; a frank, impetuous spirit open to every
impression ; great intelligence, but joined with extreme mobility,
deficient perseverance, restlessness under discipline and order,
boastfulness and eternal discord, resulting from boundless vanity."
Mommsen quotes this passage, and adds that the Kelts make
good soldiers, but bad citizens; that the only order to which
Ihey submit is the military, because the severe general discipline
relieves them of the heavy burden of individual self-control.1
Keltic Christianity was at first independent of Borne, and
even antagonistic to it in certain subordinate rites ; but after the
Saxon and Norman conquests, it was brought into conformity,
and since the Reformation, the Irish have been more attached to
tihe Roman Church iihan even the Latin races. The French for-
merly inclined likewise to a liberal Catholicism (called Galilean-
ism) ; but they sacrificed the Galilean liberties to the Ultramontan-
ism of the Vatican Council. The Welsh and Scotch, on the con-
trary, with the exception of a portion of the Highlanders in the
by Luther. Bat foe fickleness of the Gaktian Christians is characteristic of
the ancient Gauls and modern French,
i ffimische GeuslMte, Vol. I, p. 329, 5th ed.; Berlin, 1868.
§3. THE NATIONS OF MEDIAEVAL CHRISTIANITY. 9
North of Scotland, embraced the Protestant Reformation in its
Calvinistic rigor, and are among its sternest and most vigorous
advocates. The course of the Keltic nations had been anticipated
by the Galatians, who first embraced with great readiness and
heartiness the independent gospel of St. Paul, but were soon
turned away to a Judaizing legalism by false teachers, and then
brought back again by Paul to the right path.
3. The GEBMANICI or TEUTONIC2 nations followed the Keltic
migration in successive westward and southward waves, before
and after Christ, and spread over Germany, Switzerland, Hol-
land, Scandinavia, the Baltic provinces of Russia, and, since the
Anglo-Saxon invasion, also over England and Scotland and the
northern (non-Keltic) part of Ireland. In modern times their
descendants peacefully settled the British Provinces and the
greater part of North America. The Germanic nations are the
fresh, vigorous, promising and advancing races of the middle
age and modern times. Their Christianization began in the
fourth century, and went on in wholesale style till it was com-
pleted in the tenth. The Germans, under their leader Odoacer
in 476, deposed Romulus Augustulus — the shadow of old Romu-
lus and Augustus — and overthrew the West Roman Empire,
thus fulfilling the old augury of the twelve birds of fate, that
Rome was to grow six centuries and to decline six centuries.
Wherever they went, they brought destruction to decaying insti-
tutions. But with few exceptions, they readily embraced the
religion of the conquered Latin provinces, and with childlike
docility submitted to its educational power. They were predes-
tinated for Christianity, and Christianity for them. It curbed
their warlike passions, regulated their wild force, and developed
1 The word is of uncertain origin. Some derive it from a Keltic root, garm or
gairm, i* e. noise; some from the old German gere (guerre), a pointed weapon,
spear or javelin (so that German would mean an armed man, or war-man, Wehr-
TOCWM); others, from the Persian irman, erman, i. e. guest.
1 From the Gothic Mudisco, g&ntilis, popularis; hence the Latin teutonic™,
and the German deutech or teutsch (which may also he connected with diutan,
deuten, d&iMeh). In the English usage, the term Oermm is confined to the
Germans proper, and Dutch to the Hollanders; but Germanic and Teutonic
apply to all cognate races.
JLU MEDIAEVAL OHTTBCH HISTOKY.
their nobler instincts, their devotion and fidelity, their respect
for woman, their reverence for all family-relations, their love of
personal liberty and independence. The Latin church wa# to
them only a school of discipline to prepare them for an age of
Christian manhood and independence, which dawned in the six-
teenth century. The Protestant Keformation was the emancipa-
tion of the Germanic races from the pupilage of mediaeval and
legalistic Catholicism.
Tacitus, the great heathen historian, no doubt idealized the
barbarous Germans in contrast with the degenerate Romans of
his day (as Montaigne and Rousseau painted the savages " in a
fit of ill humor against their country") ; but he unconsciously
prophesied their future greatness, and his prophecy has been
more than fulfilled.
4. The SLAVONIC or SLAVIC races, or Slavs1 in the East and
Norfh of Europe, including the Bulgarians, Bohemians (Cxcclis),
Moravians, Slovaks, Servians, Croatians, Wends, Poles, and
Russians, were mainly converted through Eastern missionaries
since the ninth and tenth century. The Eastern Slavs, who are
the vast majority, were incorporated with the Greek Church,
which became the national religion of Russia, and through this
empire acquired a territory almost equal to that of the Roman
Church. The western Slavs, the Bohemians and Poles, became
subject to the Papacy.
The Slavs, who number in all nearly 80,000,000, occupy a
very subordinate position in the history of the middle ages, and
1 Tho term Slav or Slavonian is derived by some from slovo, word; by others,
from dawt glory. From it are derived the words slave and slavery (Sdave,
esctave], because many Slavs were reduced to a state of slavery or Horfdozn by
their German masters. Webster spells slave instead of slav, and Edward A.
Freeman, in his Historical Essays (third series, 1879), defends thfo spelling on
three grounds : 1) No English word ends in v. But many Russian worcta do, as
Kiev, Yaroslav, and some Hebrew grammars use Tax and Vav for Tau and Vau.
2) Analogy* We write Dane, Swede, Pole, not Dan, etc* But the a in Slav has
the continental sound, and the tendency is to get rid of mute vowek 3) The
form Slave perpetuates the etymology. But the etymology (Hlavo=w^ov/ioc) is
uncertain, and it is well to distinguish the national name from the ordinary
slaves, and thus avoid offence. The Germans also distinguish between Slawn,
Sdaven.
§4. GENIUS OF MEDIAEVAL CHBIBTIAlSriTy. 11
are isolated from the main current; but recently they have begun
to develop their resources, and seem to have a great future before
them through the commanding political power of Russia in
Europe and in Asia. Russia is the bearer of the destinies of
Panslavism and of the Eastern Church.
5. The GREEK nationality, which figured so conspicuously in
ancient Christianity, maintained its independence down to the
fall of the Byzantine Empire in 1453 ; but it was mixed with
Slavonic elements. The Greek Church was much weakened by
the inroads of Mohammedanism, and lost the possession of the
territories of primitive Christianity, but secured a new and vast
missionary field in Russia.
§ 4. Cr&mus of Medicevdl Christianity.
Mediaeval Christianity is, on the one hand, a legitimate con-
tinuation and further development of ancient Catholicism ; on
the other hand, a preparation for Protestantism.
Its leading forces are the papacy, monasticism, and scholasti-
cism, which were developed to their height, and then assailed by
growing opposition from within.
Christianity, at its first introduction, had to do with highly
civilized nations ; but now it had to lay the foundation of a new
civilisation among barbarians. The apostles planted churches
in tihe cities of the Jews, Greeks, and Romans, and the word
"pagan," i. e. villager, backwoodsman, gradually came to de-
note an idolater. They spoke and wrote in a language which
had already a large and immortal literature ; their progress was
paved by the high roads of the Roman legions; they found
everywhere an established order of society and government; and
their mission was to infuse into the ancient civilization a new
spiritual life and to make it subservient to higher moral ends.
But the missionaries of the dark ages had to visit wild woods and
untilled fields, to teach rude nations the alphabet, and to lay the
foundation for society, literature and art.
Hence Christianity assumed the character of a strong discipli-
nary institution, a training school for nations in their infancy,
12 MEDIAEVAL OHTJKCII JITHTOKY.
which had to bo treated as children. Hence the legalistic, hier-
archical, ritualistic and romantic character of medieval Catholi-
cism. Yet in proportion as the nations were trained in the
school of the church, they began to assert their independence of
the hierarchy and to develop a national literature in their own
language. Compared with our times, in which thought and
reflection have become the highest arbiter of human life, the
middle age was an age of passion. The written law, such as it
was developed in Roman society, the barbarian could not tinder-
stand and would not obey. But he wits easily impressed by the
spoken law, the living word, and found a kind of charm in
bending his will absolutely before another will. Tims the teach-
ing church became the law in the land, and formed the veiy
foundation of all social and political organisation.
The middle ages are often called "the dark ages:" truly, if
we compare them with ancient Christianity, which preceded,
and with modern Christianity, which followed ; falsely and un-
justly, if the church is made responnible for the darkness.
Christianity was tihe light that shone in the darkness of sur-
rounding barbarism and heathenism, and gradxially dispelled it*
Industrious priests and monks saved from the wreck of the
Bomau Empire the treasures of classical literature, together with
the Holy Scriptures and patristic writings, and transmitted them
to better times. The mediaeval light was indeed the borrowed
star and moon-light of ecclesiastical tradition, rather than the
clear sun-light from the inspired pages of the New Testament ;
but it was such light as the eyes of nations in their ignorance
could bear, and it never ceased to shine till it disappeared in
the day-light of the great Reformation. Christ had his witnesses
in all ages and countries, and those shine all the brighter who
were surrounded by midnight darkness.
"Pause where we may upon the desert-road,
Some shelter is in sight, some sacred safe abode."
On the other hand, the middle ages are often called, especially
by Roman Catholic writers, "the ages of faith." They abound
§4. GENIUS OF MEDIAEVAL CHRISTIANITY. 13
In legends of saints, which had the charm of religious novels.
All men believed in the supernatural and miraculous as readily
as children do now. Heaven and hell were as real to the mind
as the kingdom of France and the republic of Venice. Skep-
ticism and infidelity were almost unknown, or at least suppressed
and concealed. But with faith was connected a vast deal of super-
stition and an entire absence of critical investigation and judg-
ment. Faith was blind and unreasoning, like the faith of children.
The most incredible and absurd legends were accepted without a
question. And yet the morality was not a whit better, but in many
respects ruder, coarser and more passionate, than in modern times.
The church as a visible organization never had greater power
over the minds of men. She controlled all departments of life
from the cradle to the grave. She monopolized all the learning
and made sciences and arts tributary to her. She took the lead
in every progressive movement. She founded universities, built
lofty cathedrals, stirred up the crusades, made and unmade kings,
dispensed blessings and curses to whole nations. The mediaeval
hierarchy centering in Rome re-enacted the Jewish theocracy on
a more comprehensive scale. It was a carnal anticipation of the
millennial reign of Christ. It took centuries to rear up this
imposing structure, and centuries to take it down again.
The opposition came partly from the anti-Catholic sects, which,
in spite of cruel persecution, never ceased to protest against the
corruptions and tyranny of the papacy; partly from the spirit
of nationality which arose in opposition to an all-absorbing hie-
rarchical centralization; partly from tihe revival of classical and
biblical learning, which undermined the reign of superstition
and tradition; and partly from the inner and deeper life of the
Catholic Church itself, which loudly called for a reformation,
and struggled through the severe discipline of the law to the
light and freedom of the gospel. The mediaeval Church was a
schoolmaster to lead men to Christ. The Reformation was an
emancipation of Western Christendom from the bondage of the
law, and a re-conquest of that liberty "wherewith Christ hath
made us free" (Gal. v. 1).
14 MEDIEVAL CHTJKCH
§ 5. Periods of the Middle Age.
The Middle Age may be divided into three periods :
1. The missionary period from Gregory I. to Hildebrand or
Gregory VII., A. D. 590-1073. The conversion of the northern
barbarians. The dawn of a new civilisation. The origin ami
progress of Islam. The separation of the West from the Kant.
Some subdivide this period by Charlemagne (800), the founder
of the German-Roman Empire,
2. The palmy period of the papal theocracy from Gregory
VIL to Boniface VIII., A. D. 1073-12!) k The height of the
papacy, monasticism and scholasticism. The Crusades. The
conflict between the Pope and the Emperor. If we go back to
the rise of Hildebrand, this period begins in 1049.
3. The decline of mediaeval Catholicism and preparation for
modern Christianity, from Boniface VII L U> the Reformation,
A. D. 1294-1517. The papal exile and Hchism; the reformatory
councils; the decay of scholasticism; the growth of mysticism;
the revival of letters, and the art of printing; the discovery
of America; forerunners of Protestantism; the dawn of the
Reformation.
These three periods are related to each other as the wild youth,
the ripe manhood, and the declining old age. But the gradual
dissolution of medievalism was only the preparation for a new
life, a destruction looking to a reconstruction.
The three periods may bo treated separately, or as a continuous
whole. Both methods have their advantages: the first for a
minute study; the second for a connected survey of the great
movements.
According to our division laid down in the introduction to
the first volume, the three periods of the middle ages are the
fourth, fifth and sixth periods of the general history of Chris-
tianity*
FOURTH PERIOD.
THE CHURCH AMONG THE BARBARIANS
. OB
THE MISSIONARY PERIOD OP THE MIDDLE AGE,
FROM GEEGOEY I. TO GBEGOBT VII.
A.D. 5flOT01019(OBl07J),
FOURTH PERIOD
THE CHURCH AMONG THE BARBARIANS
FROM GREGORY I. TO GREGORY VII.
A. D. 590 TO 1049.
CHAPTER II.
CONVERSION OP THE NORTHERN AND WESTERN BARBARIANS
§ 6. Character of Mediaeval Missions.
THE conversion of the new and savage races which enter the
theatre of history at the threshold of the middle ages, was the
great work of the Christian church from the sixth to the tenth
century. Already in the second or third century, Christianiiy
was carried to the Gauls, the Britons and the Germans on the
borders of the Rhine. But these were sporadic efforts with tran-
sient results. The work did not begin in earnest till the sixth
century, and then it went vigorously forward to the tenth and
twelfth, though with many checks and temporary relapses caused
by civil wars and foreign invasions.
The Christianization of the Kelts, Teutons, and Slavonians was
at the same time a process of civilization, and differed in this
respect entirely from the conversion of the Jews, Greeks, and
Romans in the preceding age. Christian missionaries laid the
foundation for the alphabet, literature, agriculture, laws, and arts
of the nations of Northern and Western Europe, as they now do
17
18 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590 TO 1049.
among the heathen nations in Asia and Africa. " Tlie science
of language," says a competent judge*/ "owes more than its first
impulse to Christianity. The pioneers of our science were those
very apostles who were commanded to go into all the world and
preach the gospel to every creature; and their true successors,
the missionaries of the whole Christian church." The name may
be said of every branch of knowledge and art of peace. The
missionaries, in aiming at piety and the salvation of souls, inci-
dentally promoted mental culture and temporal prosperity. The
feeling of brotherhood inspired by Christianity broke down the
partition walls between race and race, and created a brotherhood
of nations.
The mediaeval Christianization was a wholesale conversion, or
a conversion of nations under the command of their leaders. It,
was carried on not only by missionaries and by spiritual means,
but also by political influence, alliances of heathen princes wilh
Christian wives, and in some cases (as the baptism of the Saxons
under Charlemagne) by military force. It was a conversion not to
the primary Christianity of inspired apostles, as laid down in the
New Testament, but to the secondary Christianity of ecclesiastical
tradition, as taught by the fathers, monks and popes. It was a
baptism by water, rather than by fire aud the Holy Spirit. The
preceding instruction amounted to little or nothing; even the
baptismal formula, mechanically recited in Latin, was scarcely
understood. The rude barbarians, owing to the weakness of
their heathen religion, readily submitted to the new religion ; but
some tribes yielded only to the sword of the conqueror.
This superficial, wholesale conversion to a nominal Christianity
must be regarded in the light of a national infant-baptism. It
furnished the basis for a long process of Christian education.
The barbarians were children in knowledge, and had to be treated
like children. Christianity assumed the form of a new law lead**
ing them, as a schoolmaster, to the manhood of Christ.
The missionaries of the middle ages were nearly all monks*
1 Max MiiUer, Science of Language, L 121.
1 7. LITERATURE. 19
They were generally men of limited education and narrow views,
but devoted zeal and heroic self-denial. Accustomed to primi-
tive simplicity of life, detached from all earthly ties, trained to
all sorts of privations, ready for any amount of labor, and com-
manding attention and veneration by their unusual habits, their
celibacy, fastings and constant devotions, they were upon the
whole the best pioneers of Christianity and civilization among
the savage races of Northern and Western Europe. The lives of
these missionaries are surrounded by their biographers with such
a halo of legends and miracles, that it is almost impossible to sift
fact from fiction. Many of these miracles no doubt were pro-
ducts of fancy or fraud ; but it would be rash to deny them all.
The same reason which made miracles necessary in the first
introduction of Christianity, may have demanded them among
barbarians before they were capable of appreciating the higher
moral evidences.
L THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND, IRELAND, AND SCOTLAND.
§ 7. Literature.
I. SOTTBCES.
Gm>A8 (Abbot of Bangor in Wales, the oldest British, historian, in the
sixth cent.): De excidio Britannia conquestus, etc. A picture of
the evils of Britain at the time. Best ed. by Joseph Stevenson, Lond.,
1838. (English Historical Society's publications.}
(Abbot of Bangor about 620) : JMogium Britannia, sive Histo-
ria Britonum. Ed. Stevenson, 1838.
The Works of Gildas and Nennius transl. from the Latin by «7. A.
Giles, London, 1841.
*BEDA Venerabilis (d. 734) : JERstoria Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum; in
the sixth vol. of Migne's ed. of Bedae Opera Omnia, also often sepa-
rately published and translated into English. Best ed. by Stevenson,
Lond., 1838; and by Giles, Lond., 1849. It is the only reliable
church-history of the Anglo-Saxon period.
The AffaLO-SAXOBT CHBONICLE, from the time of Caesar to 1164. A work
of several successive hands, ed. by Gibson with an EngL translation,
1823, and by Giles, 1849 (in one vol. with Bede's JSccles History).
See the Six Old English Chronicles, in Bonn's Antiquarian Library
(1848); and Church Historians of England trans, by Jos. j
Lond. 1852-'56, 6 vols.
20 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D.590 TO 1049.
SIB HENRY SPELMAN (cL 1641): Concilia,, decreta, leges, constitutions in
re ecclesiarum orbis JBritannwi, etc. Lond., 1639-'64, 2 vols. fol.
(Vol. L reaches to the Norman conquest; vol. ii. to Henry VIII ).
BAVUD WILKIISTS (d. 1745) : Concilia Magim Britannia et lEbernwz (from
446 to 1717), Lond., 1737, 4 vols. foL (Vol. I. from 446 to 1265).
*ARTHUR WEST HADDAJST and WILLIAM STTTBBS: Councils and Jfadeti-
asticaX Documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland: edited after
JSpelman and Wilkins. Oxford (Clarendon Press), 1869 to 78. So
far 3 vols. To be continued down to the Reformation.
The Penitentiala of the Irish and Anglo-Saxon Churches arc col-
lected and edited by F. KTOSTMANB* (Die Lot. Pfaitentialbiicher der
Angehachsen, 1844); WASSBRSCHLBBBlsr (Die JSussordnungen der
abendland. JSSrche, 1851); ScilMlTZ (Die Bussbucher u. d. JBussdis-
ciplin d. Kirche, 1883).
IL Historical Works,
(a) The Christianization of England.
*J. USSHER (d. 1655) : Eritannicarum JEccles. Antiquitates. Dublin, 1639;
London, 1687; TTor^s ed. by Elrington, 1847, Vols. V. and VI.
E. STILLTNG-FLEBT (d. 1699) : Origenes Britanniea; or, the Antigu. of the
British Churches. London, 1710; Oxford, 1842; 2 vols.
J. LrETGARD (B. C., d. 1851) : The SMory and Antiquities of the Anglo-
Saxon Church. London, 1806, new ed., 1845.
KABL SCHRODL (li. C.) : Das erste Jahrhundert der englisohen Kirehe.
Passau & Wicn, 1840.
EDWARD CHTTRTOST (Bector of Crayko, Durham): The Early Ifaglish
Church, London, 1841 (new ed. unchanged, 1878).
JAMBS YEOWBLL: Chronicles of the Ancient JBritiah Church anterior to the
Saxon era. London, 1846.
FRANCIS THACKERAY (Episcop.) : Researches into the Eccks. and Political
State of Ancient Britain under the JKoman Emperor*. London, 1848,
2 yols.
*COTOT DE M03STTALEMBBUT (B. C., d. 1870): The Monks of tlte West.
Edinburgh and London, 1861-79, 7 vols. (Authorized taransl, from
the French ) The third vol. treats of the British Isles.
BEHSTHOLD PAXTLI: J&ilder aw Afo-Efaglwd* Gotha, 1860.
W F. HOOK: Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury. London, 2nd ed.,
1861 sqq.
Gk F. MAOLEAR (D.D.. Head-master of King's College School) : Corner-
sion of the West. The English, London, 1878. By the same: The
Kelts, 1878. (Popular.)
WILLIAM: BRIGHT (Dr. and Prof, of Eccles. Hist., Oxford) : Chapters on
JBcerly English Church Mstory Oxford, 1878 (460 pages).
JOHK PRYCE t XRsfory of the Ancient JBritish Church. Oxlurd, 1 878.
EDWARD L. CUTTS: Turning Points of English Church^ History. London,
1878.
2 7. LITEBATURE. 21
DUGALD MACCOLL: Early British Church. The Arthurian Legends. In
"The Catholic Presbyterian," London and New York, for 1880,
No, 3, pp. 176 sqq.
(b) The Christianization of Ireland, Wales, and Scotland.
DR. LANIGAN (E. 0.) : Ecclesiastical History of Ireland. Dublin, 1829.
WILLIAM G. TODD (Episc., Trinity Coll., Dublin) : The Church of St.
Patrick: An Historical Inquiry into the Independence of the Ancient
Church of Ireland. London, 1844. By the same: A History of the
Ancient Church of Ireland. London, 1845. By the same: Book of
Hymns of t/ie Ancient Church of Ireland. Dublin, 1855.
FERDINAND WALTER: Das alte Wales. Bonn, 1859.
JOHN CUNNINGHAM (Presbyterian) : TJie Church History of Scotland from
tJie Cbmmencement of the Christian Era to the Present Day. Edinburgh,
1859, 2 vols. (Vol. L, chs. 1-6).
C. INNES: Sketches of Early Scotch History, and Social Progress. Edinb.,
1861. (Eefers to the history of local churches, the university and
home-life in the mediaeval period.)
THOMAS MoLAUCHLAlsr (Presbyt.): The Early Scottish Church: the Ec-
clesiastical History of Scotland from tlie First to the Twelfth Century.
Edinburgh, 1865.
*DR. J. H. A. EBRARD: Die iroschottische MissionsMrche des 6, 7 und 8
ten Jahrh., und ihre Verbreitung auf dem Festland. Gutersloh, 1873.
Comp. Ebrard's articles Die culdelsche Kirche des 6, 7 und Sten
Jahrh9in Niedner's "Zeitschrift fur hist. Theologie" for 1862 and
1863.
Ebrard and McLauchlan are the ablest advocates of the anti-
Romish and alleged semi-Protestant character of the old Keltic
church of Ireland and Scotland; but they present it in a more favor-
able light than the facts warrant.
*DR. W. D. EJLLEN (Presbyt.) : TJie Ecclesiastical History of Ireland from
the Earliest Period to the Present Times. London, 1875, 2 vols.
*ALEX. PENBOSE FORBES (Bishop of Brechin, d. 1875) : Calendars of
Scottish Saints. With Personal Notices of those of Alba, Laudonia and
Stratchclyde. Edinburgh (Edmonston & Douglas), 1872. By the
same: Lives of 8. Ninian and S. Kentigern. Compiled in the twelfth
century. Ed. from the best MSS. Edinburgh, 1874.
*WILLIAM BEEVES (Canon, of Armagh) : Life of St. Cblumba, Founder of
Hy. Written by Adamnan, ninth Abbot of that monastery. Edinburgh,
1874
*WiiiLiAM F. SKENE: Keltic Scotland. Edinburgh, 2 vols., 1876, 1877.
*F. E. WAKREN (Fellow of 'St. John's Coll., Oxford) : The. Liturgy and
Ritual of the QeUfc Church. Oxford 1881 (291 pp.).
F. LOOPS: Antiqwe Brftonum Scotorumgue ecclesfa moves, ratio credendi,
vivendi, etc. Lips., 1882.
22 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
Oomp. also the relevant sections in the Histories of England, Scot-
land, and Ireland, by HUME (Ch. 1-IIL), LINGAHO (Oh. L VI1L),
LAPPEMBEKO (Vol. L), GREEN (Vol. L), HILT. BURTON (7/wt of
Scotland, Vol. I.) ; MILMAN'S Latin Christianity (Book IV., Ch. 3-5)?
MACLEAR'S Apostles of Medicwal Europe (Lond. 1869), THOMAS
SMITH'S Medical Missions (Edinb. 1880).
§ 8. The Britons.
Literature: The works of BEDE, GJLDAS, NENNIUS, USSBEB, BJRIGUIT,
PJRYCE, quoted in g 7.
Britain made its first appearance in secular history half a cen-
tury before the Christian era, when Julias G&sar, the conqueror
of Gaul, sailed with a Roman army from Calais across the chan-
nel, and added the British island to the dominion of the eternal
city, though it was not fully subdued till the reign of Claudius
(A. D. 41-54). It figures in ecclesiastical history from the eon-
version of the Britons in the second century. Its missionary
history is divided into two periods, the Keltic and the Anglo-
Saxon, both catholic in doctrine^ as tar {is developed at that time,
slightly diifering in discipline, yet bittorly hostile under the
influence of the antagonism of race, which was ultimately over-
come in England and Scotland but is still burning in Ireland,
the proper home of the Kelts. The Norman conquest imtde both
races better Romanists than they were before.
The oldest inhabitants of Britain, like the Irish, the Scots, and
the Gauls, were of Keltic origin, half naked and painted barba-
rians, quarrelsome, rapacious, revengeful, torn by intestine fac*
tions, which facilitated their conquest. They had adopted, undo*
different appellations, the gods of the Greeks and Romans, and
worshipped a multitude of local deities, the genii of tho woods,
rivers, and mountains; they paid special homage to the oak, tho
king of the forest. They offered the fruits of tho earth, tho
spoils of the enemy, and, in the hour of danger, human lives.
Their priests, called druids,1 dwelt in huts or caverns, amid tho
1 The word Druid or Druidh is not from the Greek fy&r, oak (as the elder
Pliny thought), but a Keltic term draiod, meaning stog^ priest, and is equivalent
to the magi in the ancient East. In the Irish Scriptures draiod is used for
magi, Matt. 2 : 1.
g 8. THE BRITONS. 23
silence and gloom of the forest, were in possession of all educa-
tion and spiritual power, professed to know the secrets of nature,
medicine and astrology, and practised the arts of divination.
They taught, as the three principles of wisdom: "obedience to
the laws of God, concern for the good of man, and fortitude
under the accidents of life." They also taught the immortality
of the soul and the fiction of metempsychosis. One class of the
druids, who delivered their instructions m verse, were distin-
guished by the title of bards, who as poets and musicians accom-
panied the chieftain to the battle-field, and enlivened the feasts
of peace by the sound of the harp. There are still remains of
druidical temples — the most remarkable at Stonehenge on Salis-
fyury Plain, and at Stennis in the Orkney Islands — that is, cir-
cles of huge stones standing in some cases twenty feet above the
earth, and near them large mounds supposed to be ancient burial-
places; for men desire to be buried near a place of worship.
The first introduction of Christianity into Britain is involved
in obscurity. The legendary history ascribes it at least to ten
different agencies, namely, 1) Bran, a British prince, and his son
Caradog, who is said to have become acquainted with St. Paul in
Kome, A.D. 51 to 58, and to have introduced the gospel into
his native country on his return. 2) St. Paul. 3) St. Peter.
4) St. Simon Zelotes. 5) St. Philip. 6) St. James die Great.
7) St. John. 8) Aristobulus (Bom. xvi. 10). 9) Joseph of
Arimathaea, who figures largely in the post-Norman legends of
Glastonbury Abbey, and is said to have brought the holy Graal
— the vessel or platter of the Lord's Supper— -containing the
blood of Christ, to England. 10) Missionaries of Pope Eleu-
iherus from Borne to King Lucius of Britain.1
1 See Haddan & Stubbs, Counc. and Eccles. Doc. I, 22-26, and Pryce, 31 sqq.
Haddan says, that "statements respecting (a) British Christians at Rome, (6)
British Christians in Britain, (c) Apostles or apostolic men preaching in Bri-
tain, in the first century — rest upon either guess, mistake or fable f and that
"evidence alleged for the existence of a Christian church in Britain during the
second cemtwry is simply unhistorical." Pryce calls these early agencies "gratui-
tous assumptions, plausible guesses, or legendary fables." Eusebius, D/m. Ev.
IH 5, speaks as if some of the Twelve or of the Seventy had "crossed the
24 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
But these legends cannot be traced beyond the sixth century,
and are therefore destitute of all historic value. A visit of St.
Paul to Britain between A. D. 63 and 67 is indeed in itself not
impossible (on the assumption of a second Boman captivity), and
has been advocated even by such scholars as Ussher and Stilling-
fleet, but is intrinsically improbable, and destitute of all evidence.1
The conversion of King Lucius in tihe second century through
correspondence with ihe Boman bishop Eleutherus (176 to 190),
is related by Bede, in connection with several errors, and is a
legend rather than an established fa0t.a Ircnseus of Lyons, who
enumerates all the churches one by one, knows of none in Britain.
Yet the connection of Britain with Borne and with Gaul must
ocean to the isles called British;" but the passage is rhetorical and indefinite.
In his Church History he omits Britain from, the apostolic mission-field.
1 It is merely an inference from the well-known passage of Clement of Borne,
Ep. ad Corinth, c. 5, that Paul carried the gospel "to the end of the West "
(kid rb r^p/M lift dfaeo?). But this is far more naturally understood of a visit to
Spain which Paul intended (Bom. xv. 28), and which seems confirmed by a
passage in the Muratorian Fragment about 170 (" JProfectionem Pauli ab urbe
ad Spaniam proficiscentis") ; while there is no trace whatever of an intended or
actual visit to Britain. Canon Bright calls this merely a ''pious fancy" (p. 1),
and Bishop Lightfoot remarks: "For the patriotic belief of some English
"writers, who have included Britain in the Apostle's travels, there is neither
evidence nor probability'7 (St. Clement of Borne, p. 50). It is barely possible*
however, that some Galatian converts of Paul, visiting the far West to barter
the hair-cloths of their native land for the useful metal of Britain, may have
first made known the gospel to the Britons in their kindred Keltic tongue. See
Lightfoot, Com. on Gal., p. 246.
3 Book I., ck 4: "Lucius, king of the Britons, sent a letter to Eleutherus,
entreating that by his command he might be made a Christian. He soon ob-
tained his pious request, and the Britons preserved the feith, which they had
received, uncorrupted and entire, in peace audtranquillity,until the time of the
Emperor Diocletian." Comp. the foot-note of Giles inloc. Haddan says (L 25):
"The story of Lucius rests solely upon the later form of the Cbtahgu* Psmtifawn
Itommonm which was written c. A. D. 530, and which adds to the Vita fflatiheri
(A.D. 171-186) that * J3w> (Elwtiwwt) aocepto epMam a Lwsk Britannia .%«,
vt ChrManus efficeretur poor qu* mw&tium? Bat these words are not in the
original Qatdlogus, written shortly after A.D. 363." Beda copies the Boman
account Gildas knows nothing of Lucius. According to other accounts, Lu-
cius (Lever Maur, or the Great Light) sent Fagan and Bervan to Borne, who
were ordained by Evajistus or Meutherus, and on their return established the
Britiflh church. See Lingard, jffijrfory o/ JS^fari^ L 46.
2 8. THE BRITONS. 25
have brought it early into contact with Christianity. About
A. D. 208 Tertullian exultingly declared "that places in Britain
not yet visited by Romans were subject to Christ."1 St. Alban,
probably a Roman soldier, died as the British proto-martyr in
the Diocletian persecution (303), and left the impress of his
name on English history.3 Constantine, the first Christian em-
peror, was born in Britain, and his mother, St. Helena, was
probably a native of the country. In the Council of Aries,
A. D. 314, which condemned the Donatists, we meet with three
British bishops, Eborius of York (Eboracum), Restitutus of
London (Londinum), and Adelfius of Lincoln (Colonia Londi-
nensium), or Cserleon in Wales, besides a presbyter and deacon.'
In the Arian controversy the British churches sided with Atha-
nasius and the Nicene Creed, though hesitating about the term
homoousios* A notorious heretic, Pelagius (Morgan), was from
the same island; his abler, though less influential associate, Cc-
lestius, was probably an Irishman; but their doctrines were con-
demned (429), and the Catholic faith reestablished with the
assistance of two Gallic bishops.5
Monumental remains of the British church during the Roman
period are recorded or still exist at Canterbury (St. Martin's),
Cserleon, Bangor, Glastonbury, Dover, Richborough (Kent),
Reculver, Lyminge, Brixworth, and other places.6
The Roman dominion in Britain ceased about A. D. 410; the
1 Adv. Judcsos 7: "Britannorum inaccma, Romanis loco, Christo vero subdtta"
Bishop Kaye (TertvlL, p. 94) understands this passage as referring to the far-
thest extremities of Britain. So Barton (II. 207): "Parts of the island which
had not been visited by the Romans." See Bright, p. 5.
* Bede 1. 7. The story of Si Alban is first narrated by Gildas in the sixth
century. Milman and Bright (p, 6) admit his historic reality.
8TOtwOi,JEr<wcZ6i«&<^
II. 467, Haddan and Stubbs, L c., 1 7. Haddan identifies Colonia Londinensium
nith CoL Legionensium, i. e. Cserleon-on-Usk.
« Soe Haddan and Stubbs, L 7-10.
'Bede L 21 ascribes the triumph of the Catholic faith over the Pelagian
heresy to the miraculous healing of a lame youth by Germanus (St. Germain),
Bishop of Auzerre, Comp. also Haddan and Stubbs, L 15-17*
•See Haddan and Stubbe,L 36-40.
26 FOURTH PERIOD. A..B. 590 TO 1049.
troops were withdrawn, and the country left to govern itself* The
result was a partial relapse into barbarism and a demoralization
of the church. The intercourse with the Continent was cut off,
and the barbarians of the North pressed heavily upon the Britons.
For a century and a half we hear nothing of the British churches
till the silence is broken by the querulous voice of Gildas, who
informs us of the degeneracy of the clergy, the decay of religion,
the introduction and suppression of the Pelagian heresy, and the
mission of Palladius to the Scots in Ireland. This long isolation
accounts in part for the trifling differences and the bitter antago-
nism between the remnant of the old British church and the new-
church imported from Rome among the hated Anglo-Saxons.
The difference was not doctrinal, but ritualistic and discipli-
nary. The British as well as the Irish and Scotch Christians of
the sixth and seventh centuries kept Easter on the very day of
the full moon in March when it was Sunday, or on the next
Sunday following. They adhered to the older cycle of eighty-
four years in opposition to the later Dionysian cycle of ninety-five
years, which came into use on the Continent since the middle of
the sixth century.1 They shaved the fore-part of their head from
ear to ear in tihte form of a crescent, allowing the hair to grow
behind, in imitation of the aureola, instead of shaving, like the
Romans, the crown of the head in a circular form, and leaving a
circle of hair, which was to represent the Saviour's crown of
thorns. They had, moreover — and this was the most important
and most irritating difference — become practically independent
of Borne, and transacted their business in councils without
referring to the pope, who began to be regarded on the Continent
as the righteous ruler and judge of all Christendom.
1 The British and Irish Christians were stigmatized by their Roman oppo-
nents as heretical Quartodeeimaw (Bede HE. 4) ; but the Eastern Quartodecimans
invariably celebrated Easter on the fourteenth day of the month (hence their
designation), whether it fell on a Sunday or not; while the Britons and Irish
celebrated it always on a Sunday between the 14th and the 20th of the month;
the Komans between the 15th and 21st Comp. Skene, /. c. II. 9 sq.; the elabo-
rate discussion of Ebrard, Die iro-schott Mvxionskirche, 19-77, and Killen,
JSccles. Hist, of Ireland, L 57 sqq.
g 9. THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 27
From these facts some historians have inferred the Eastern or
Greek origin of the old British church. But there is no evidence
whatever of any such connection, unless it be perhaps through
the medium of the neighboring church of Gaul, which was partly
planted or moulded by Irenseus of Lyons, a pupil of St. Poly-
carp of Smyrna, and which always maintained a sort of inde-
pendence of Home.
But in the points of dispute just mentioned, the Galilean
church at that time agreed with Rome. Consequently, the
peculiarities of the British Christians must be traced to their
insular isolation and long separation from Rome. The Western
church on the Continent passed through some changes in the
development of the authority of the papal see, and in the mode
of calculating Easter, until the computation was finally fixed
through Dionysius Exiguus in 525. The British, unacquainted
with these changes, adhered to the older independence and to the
older customs. They continued to keep Easter from the 14th of
the moon to the 20th. This difference involved a difference in
all the moveable festivals, and created great confusion in Eng-
land after the conversion of the Saxons to the Roman rite.
§ 9. The Anglo-Saxons.
LITERATURE.
I. The sources for the planting of Roman Christianity among the
Anglo-Saxons are several Letters of Pope GREGORY I. (Epp., Lib.
VI. 7, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59; IX. 11, 108; XL 28, 29, 64, 65,
66, 76; in Migne's ed. of Gregory's Opera, Vol. IIL; also in Haddan
and Stubbs, III. 5 sqq.) ; the first and second books of BEDE'S Eceles.
Mat.; GOSOELIBT'S Ufe of St. Augustin, written in the llth century,
and contained in the Acta Sanctorum of May 26th; and THORITE'S
Chronicles of St. Augustine's Abbey* See also HADPAK and STUBBS,
Cbuneik, etc., the 3d vol., which comes down to A. D. 840.
n. Of modem lives of St. Augustin, we mention MOOTALEMBERT,
Mwiks of the West, Vol. HI. ; Dean HOOK, Archbishops of Canterbury,
Vol. I., and Dean SxAOTiBY, Memorials of Ganterbury, 1st ed., 1855,
9th ecU 1880. Comp. Lit. in Sec. 7.
British Christianity was always a feeble plant, and suffered
greatly from the Anglo-Saxon conquest and the devastating wars
28 FOUBTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
which followed it. With the decline of the Koman power, the
Britons, weakened by the vices of Koman civilisation, and unable
to resist the aggressions of the wild Picts and Scots from the
North, called Hengist and Horsa, two brother-princes and
reputed descendants of Wbdan, the god of war, from Germany
to their aid, A.D. 449.1
From this time begins the emigration of Saxons, Angles or
Anglians, Jutes, and Frisians to Britain, They gave to it a new
nationality and a new language, the Anglo-Saxon, which forms
the base and trunk of the present people and language of Eng-
land (Angle-land). They belonged to the great Teutonic race,
and came from the Western and Northern parts of Germany,
from the districts North of the Elbe, the Weser, and the Eydcr,
especially from Holstein, Schleswig, and Jutland. They could
never be subdued by the Romans, and the emperor Julian pro-
nounced them the most formidable of all the nations that dwelt
beyond the Rhine on the shores of the Western ocean. They
were tall and handsome, with blue eyes and fair skin, strong and
enduring, given to pillage by land, and piracy by sea, leaving
the cultivation of the soil, with the care of their flocks, to women
and slaves. They were the fiercest among the Gorman*). They
sacrificed a tenth of their chief captives ou the altars of their
gods. They used the spear, the sword, and the battle-axe with
terrible effect. "We have not," says Sidonius, bishop of Cler-
mont/ "a more cruel and more dangerous enemy than the Sax-
ons. They overcome all who have the courage to oppose them.
.... When they pursue, they infallibly overtake; when they
are pursued, their escape is certain. They despise danger; they
are inured to shipwreck; they are eager to purchase booty with
the peril of their lives. Tempests, which to others arc so dread-
ful, to them are subjects of joy. The storm is their protection
when they are pressed by the enemy, and a cover for their ope-
1 The chronology is somewhat uncertain. See Lappenberg's Gtochickto von
England, Bd. I., p. 73 sqq.
9 Quoted by Lingard, 1 62. The picture here given corresponds closely with
that given in Beowulfs Drapa, from the 9th century.
2 9. THE ANGIA^AXOm 29
rations when they meditate an attack." Like the Bedouins in
the East, and the Indians of America, they were divided in
tribes, eadbi with a chieftain. In times of danger, they selected a
supreme commander under the name of Konyng or King, but
only for a period.
These strangers from the Continent successfully repelled the
Northern invaders; but being well pleased with the fertility and
climate of the country, and reinforced by frequent accessions
from their countrymen, they turned upon the confederate Britons,
drove them to the mountains of Wales and the borders of Scot-
land, or reduced them to slavery, and within a century and a
half they made themselves masters of England. From invaders
they became settlers, and established an octarchy or eight inde-
pendent kingdoms, Kent, Sussex, Wessex, Essex, Northumbria,
Mercia, Bernicia, and Deira. The last two were often united
under the same head; hence we generally speak of but seven
kingdoms or the Anglo-Saxon heptarchy.
From this period of the conflict between the two races dates
the Keltic form of the Arthurian legends, which afterwards un-
derwent a radical telescopic transformation in France. They
have no historical value except in connection with the romantic
poetry of mediaeval religion.1
1 King Arthur (or Artus), the hero of Wales, of the Chronicles of Geoffrey of
Monmouth, and the romances of the Bound Table, if not entirely mythical, was
one of the last Keltic chiefs, who straggled against the Sazon invaders in the
sixth century. He resided in great state at Oserleon in Wales, surrounded by
valorous knights, seated with him at a round table, gained twelve victories over
the Saxons, and died in the battle of Mount Badon or Badon Hill near Bath
(A. D. 520). The legend was afterwards christianized, transferred to French
soil, and blended with the Carlovingian Knights of the Bound Table, which
never existed. Arthur's name was also connected since the Crusades with the
quest of the Holy Grail or Graal (Keltic grtal, old French aan greal or gred\
i e. the wonderful bowl-shaped vessel of the Lord's Supper (used for the Paschal
Lamb, or, according to another view, for the cup of blessing), in which Joseph
of Aritnathsea caught the blood of the Saviour at the cross, and which appears
in the Arthurian romances as the token of the visible presence of Christ, or the
symbolic embodiment of the doctrine of transubstantiation. Hence the deriva-
tion of Grail from sanguit reatis, real blood, or sang royalj the Lord's blood.
Others derive it from the Bomanic greal, cup or dish; still others from the
30 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
§ 10. The Mission of Gregory and Augustin. Conversion
A.D. 595-604.
With the conquest of the Anglo-Saxons, who were heathen
barbarians, Christianity was nearly extirpated in Britain. Priests
were cruelly massacred, churches and monasteries were destroyed,
together with the vestiges of a weak Roman civilization. The
hatred and weakness of the Britons prevented them from offer-
ing the gospel to the conquerors, who in turn would have rejected
it from contempt of the conquered.1
But fortunately Christianity was re-introduced from a remote
country, and by persons who had nothing to do with the quar-
rels of the two races. To Rome, aided by the influence of
France, belongs the credit of reclaiming England to Christianity
and civilization. In England the first, and, we may say, the
only purely national church in the West was founded, but in
close union with the papacy, "The English church/' «ays
Freeman, " reverencing Rome, but not slavishly bowing down
to her, grew up with a distinctly national character, and gra-
dually infused its influence into all the feelings and habits of the
English people. By the end of the seventh century, the inde-
pendent, insular, Teutonic church had become one of the bright-
est lights of the Christian firmament. In short, the introduction
Latin graduate. See GEOFFKEY OF MoNMOTOff, <7Anmtcon woe fjfatoria -
tomm (1130 and 1147, translated into English by Aaron Thomson, London,
1718); Sir T. MAXOBY, ffistory of Prince Arthur (1480-1486, new ed. by
Southey,1817) ; WOUFEA.M VON EgcHBNBAOK, ParcM and Tdwd (about 1205,
feansL by K. Simrock, Stu%., 1842); iUcOTONff, Wof/ram, von Jfochmbaoli
(Berlin, 1833, 2nd edL, 1854); CKteCHm, Die Sw*mt,PwcM md wm Orcd
wok Wolfram von Esehen&ack (Berlin, 1858) ; PATOIK PABIS, Le* ftman* de la
TabU JRonde (Paris, 1860); Tteerreotf, The I<fy& of tfte King (1869), and The
Jtoly QroM (1869); Sloans, Four Ancient Jffoofe of Wak* (1868); 8TOAR^
OLENKEB, Arthurian LoeoMes (1869) ; BiBCH-HrasonFMtit), Die Sage vom Oral,
(Leipz., 1877); and an article of (WscHEL, Grot, in the first cdL of Howsotfa
V. 312 (omitted in the second ed.).
1 Bede (L 22) corarts it among the most wicked acts or neglects, rather, of
the Britons mentioned even by their own historian Gildaa, that they new
preached the Mth to the Saxons who dwelt among them.
g 10. THE MISSION OP GBEGOKY AND AUGUSTUS. 31
of Christianity completely changed the position of the English
nation, both within its own island and towards the rest of the
world."1
The origin of the Anglo-Saxon mission reads like a beautiful
romance. Pope Gregory I., when abbot of a Benedictine con-
vent, saw in the slave-market of Rome three Anglo-Saxon boys
offered for sale. He was impressed with their fine appearance,
fair complexion, sweet faces and light flaxen hair; and learning,
to his grief, that they were idolaters, he asked the name of their
nation, their country, and their king. When he heard that they
were Angles, he said: "Right, for they have angelic faces, and
are worthy to be fellow-heirs with angels in heaven." They were
from the province Deira. " Truly," he replied, " are they De-
ircHtos, that is, plucked from the ire of God, and called to the
mercy of Christ." He asked the name of their king, which was
Mil* or Elk (who reigned from 559 to 588). « Hallelujah,"
he exclaimed, "the praise of God the Creator must be sung in
those parts." He proceeded at once from the slave market to
the pope, and entreated him to send missionaries to England,
offering himself for this noble work. He actually started for the
spiritual conquest of the distant island. But the Romans would
not part with him, called him back, and shortly afterwards
elected him pope (590). "What he could not do in person, he
carried out through others.2
In the year 596, Gregory, remembering his interview with, the
sweet-faced and fair-haired Anglo-Saxon slave-boys, and hearing
of a favorable opportunity for a mission, sent the Benedictine
abbot AtTGTOTiisr (Austin), thirty otiher monks, and a priest, Lau-
rentius, with instructions, letters of recommendation to the Frank
1 History of the Norman conquest of England, Vol. L, p. 22 (Oxford ed. of 1873).
* Beda (B. H., dbu 1 at the close) received this account "from the ancients »
(ab antiqwis, or traditions majonm), bat gives it as an episode, not as a part o«
the English mission (which is related I 53). The elaborate play on words
excites critical suspicion of the truth of the story, which, though well told, is
probably invented or embellished, like so many legends about Gregory. "Be
non vero, e ben troyato."
32 TOTJRTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
kings and several bishops of Gaul, and a few books, to England.1
The missionaries, accompanied by some interpreters from France,
landed on the isle of Thanet in Kent, near the mouth of the
Thames.2 King Ethelbert, by his marriage to Berfha, a Christian
princess from Paris, who had brought a bishop with her, was
already prepared for a change of religion. He went to meet the
btrangers and received them in the open air; being afraid of
some magic if he were to see them under roof. They bore a
silver cross for their banner, and the image of Christ painted
on a board; and after singing the litany and offering prayers
for themselves and the people whom they had come to convert,
they preached the gospel through their Frank interpreters. The
king was pleased with the ritualistic and oratorical display of
the new religion from distant, mighty Borne, and said: "Your
words and promises are very fair; but as they are new to us and
of uncertain import, I cannot forsake the religion I have so long
followed with the whole English nation. Yet as you are come
from far, and are desirous to benefit us, I will supply you with
the necessary sustenance, and not forbid you to preach and to
convert as many as you can to your religion."3 Accordingly,
he allowed them to reside in the City of Canterbury (Dorovcrn,
Durovemum), which was the metropolis of his kingdom, and
was soon to become the metropolis of the Church of England.
They preached and led a severe monastic life. Several believed
and were baptized, " admiring/' as Bede says, "the simplicity of
their innocent life, and the sweetness of their heavenly doctrine."
He also mentions miracles. Gregory warned Augustin not to
be puffed up by miracles, but to rejoice with fear, and to tremble
1 Among these boots were a Bible in 2 vols., a Pbalter, a book of the Gospels,
a Martyrology, Apocryphal Lives of the Apostles, and some Commentaries.
"These are the foundation or beginning of the library of the whole English
church,"
2 The first journey of Angnstin, in 595, was a fiulure. He started finally for
England Jnly 23d, 596, wintered in Ganl, and landed in England the IbUowing
year with about forty persons, including Gallic priests and interpreters. Had*
dan and Stabbe, IIL 4.
*BedeL25.
2 10. THE MISSION OF GREGOBY AND AUGUSTIN. 33
in rejoicing, remembering what the Lord said to his disciples
when they boasted that even the devils were subject to them.
For not all the elect work miracles, and yet the names of all are
written in heaven.1
King Ethelbert was converted and baptized (probably June
2, 597), and drew gradually his whole nation after him, though
he was taught by the missionaries not to use compulsion, since
the service of Christ ought to be voluntary.
Augustin, by order of pope Gregory, was ordained archbishop
of the English nation by Vergilius,2 archbishop of Aries, Nov.
16, 597, and became the first primate of England, with a long
line of successors even to this day. On his return, at Christmas,
he baptized more than ten thousand English. His talents and
character did not rise above mediocrity, and he bears no compa-
rison whatever with his great namesake, the theologian and
bishop of Hippo; but he was, upon the whole, well fitted for his
missionary work, and his permanent success lends to his name the
halo of a borrowed greatness. He built a church and monastery
at Canterbury, the mother-church of Anglo-Saxon Christendom.
He sent the priest Laurentius to Rome to inform the pope of his
progress and to ask an answer to a number of questions concern-
ing the conduct of bishops towards their clergy, the ritualistic
differences between the Roman and the Galilean churches, the
marriage of two brothers to two sisters, the marriage of relations,
whether a bishop may be ordained without other bishops being
present, whether a woman with child ought to be baptized, how
long after the birth of an infant carnal intercourse of married
people should be delayed, etc. Gregory answered these que&-
tions very fully in the legalistic and ascetic spirit of the
1 "Son enim omnes clecti miracula faciunt, sed famen eorwn, omnium nomina in
talo sunt owrtpto" Gwg«» Ad Augustinvn A^gl^rum Epucopwn, Epp. Lib.
XL 28, and Bedel. 31.
1 Not JBtoerius, as Bede has it, L 27, and in other places. JEtheriua was the
contemporary archbishop of Lyons.
34 FOUBTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
age, yet, upon the whole, with much good sense and pastoral
wisdom.1
It is remarkable that this pope, unlike his successors, did not
insist on absolute conformity to the Roman church, but advises
Augustin, who thought that the different customs of the Gallican
church were inconsistent with the unity of faith, "to choose from
every church those things that are pious, religious and upright;"
for "things are not to be loved for the sake of places, but
places for the sake of good things."2 In oilier respects, the
advice falls in with the papal system and practice. Ho directs
the missionaries not to destroy the heathen temples, but to
convert them into Christian churches, to substitute the wor-
ship of relics for the worship of idols, and to allow the new
converts, on the day of dedication and other iestivitioK, to
kill cattle according to their ancient custom, yet no more to
the devils, but to the praise of God; for it is impossible, he
thought, to efface everything at once from their obduruto minds;
and he who endeavors to ascend to the highest place, must rise
by degrees or steps, and not by leaps.3 This method was faith-
fully followed by his missionaries. It no doubt facilitated the
1 Bede 1. 27 sqq. gives extracts from Gregory's answers. It is curious how
the pope handles such delicate subjects as the monthly courses and the carnal
intercourse between married people. A husband, he says, should not approach
his wife after the birth of an infant, till the infant be weanod. Mothers should
not give their children to other women to suckle. A man who has approached
his wife is not to enter the church unless washed with water and till after mm-
set. We see here the genius of Bomanism which aims to control by its legisla-
tion all the ramifications of human life, and to shackle the conscience by a
subtle and minute casuistry. Barbarians, however, must be treated like children*
* "Non enim pro locis res, sed pro Ionia rebus kca omrumda wnt. Me tingvMs
ergo guibusdam ecdems, quvpia, gun religiosa, qua recta word, e%«, et hose quasi m
fasciculwn eoUecfa, a/pud Anglorum mentea in consuetudmem depone.'* Gr* JReapons,
ad interrogat. Aug., JEp. XL 64, and Bede I. 27.
8 "Is qui locum mmmum ascendere nittiur, gradibw vd pastibus, non awtem
taMbus demtur" Ep. lib. XL 76 (and Bede L 30). This episfle of the year 601
is addressed to Mellitus on his way to England, but is intended for Augustan ad
fariliorem Anglorum wnversionem. In Sardinia, where Christianity already pre-
vailed, Gregory advised Bishop Januarius to suppress the remaining heathen-
ism by imprisonment and corporal punishment
g 11. ANTAGONISM OF THE SAXON AND BEITISH CLERGY. 35
nominal conversion of England, but swept a vast amount of
heathenism into the Christian church, which it took centuries to
eradicate.
Gregory sent to Augustin, June 22, 601, the metropolitan
pall (pattium), several priests (Mellitus, Justus, Paulinas, and
others), many books, sacred vessels and vestments, and relics
of apostles and martyrs. He directed him to ordain twelve
bishops in the archiepiscopal diocese of Canterbury, and to ap-
point an archbishop for York, who was also to ordain twelve
bishops, if the country adjoining should receive the word of God.
Mellitus was consecrated the first bishop of London; Justus,
bishop of Rochester, both in 604 by Augustin (without assist-
ants); Paulinus, the first archbishop of York, 625, after the
death of Gregory and Augustin.1 The pope sent also letters
and presents to king Ethelbert, "his most excellent son/7 ex-
horting him to persevere in the faith, to commend it by good
works among his subjects, to suppress the worship of idols, and
to follow the instructions of Augustin.
§ 11. Antagonism of the Saxon and British Clergy.
BEDB, II. 2; HADDAH and STTTBBS, DDL 38-41.
Augustin, with the aid of king Ethelbert, arranged (in 602 or
603) a conference with the British bishops, at a place in Sussex
near the banks of the Severn under an oak, called t£ Augiistin's
Oak." a He admonished them to conform to the Eoman ceremo-
nial in the observance of Easter Sunday, and the mode of admi-
nistering baptism, and to unite with their Saxon brethren in
converting the Gentiles. Augustin had neither wisdom nor
charily enough to sacrifice even the most trifling ceremonies on
the altar of peace. He was a pedantic and contracted churchman.
He met the Britons, who represented at all events an older and
native Christianity, with the haughty spirit of Borne, which is
1 York and London had been the first metropolitan sees among the Britons.
London was even then, as Bede (II. 3) remarks, a mart of many nations resort-
ing to it by sea and land.
2 On the time and place of the two conferences see the notes in Haddan and
Stubbs, III. 40 and 41.
36 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590 TO 1049.
willing to compromise with heathen customs, but demands abso-
lute submission from all other forms of Christianity, and hates
independence as the worst of heresies.
The Britons preferred their own traditions. After much use-
less contention, Augustin proposed, and the Britons reluctantly
accepted, an appeal to the miraculous interposition of God. A
blind man of the Saxon race was brought forward and restored
to sight by his prayer. The Britons still refused to give up
their ancient customs without the consent of their people, and
demanded a second and larger synod.
At the second Conference, seven bishops of the Britons, with
a number of learned men from the Convent of Bangor, appeared,
and were advised by a venerated hermit to submit the Saxon
archbishop to the moral test of meekness and humility as required
by Christ from his followers. If Augustin, at the meeting,
shall rise before them, they should hear him submissively;
but if he shall not rise, they should despise him as a proud
man. As they drew near, the Roman dignitary remained
seated in his chair. He demanded of them three things, viz.
compliance with the Roman observance of the time of Easter,
the Roman form of baptism, and aid in efforts to convert the
English nation; and then he would readily tolerate their other
peculiarities. They refused, reasoning among themselves, if he
will not rise up before us now, how much more will he despise
us when we shall be subject to his authority? Augustin in-
dignantly rebuked them and threatened the divine vengeance
by the arms of the Saxons. " All which," adds Bede, "through
the dispensation of the -divine judgment, fell out exactly as ho
had predicted." For, a few years afterwards (613), Etihelfrith
the Wild, the pagan King of JSTorthumbria, attacked the Britons
at Chester, and destroyed not only their army, but slaughtered
several hundred1 priests and monks, who accompanied the sol-
diers to aid them with their prayers. The massacre was followed
1 Bede mentions twelve hundred, but the Saxon chronicle (A, t>. 607) only
two hundred.
g 12. CONVERSION OF THE OTHEE KINGDOMS. 37
by the destruction of the flourishing monastery of Bangor,
where more than two thousand monks lived by the labor of
their hands.
This is a sad picture of the fierce animosity of the two races
and rival forms of Christianity. Unhappily, it continues to the
present day, but with a remarkable difference: the Keltic Irish
who, like the Britons, once represented a more independent type
of Catholicism, have, since the Norman conquest, and still more
since the Eeformation, become intense Eomanists; while the
English, once the dutiful subjects of Rome, have broken with
that foreign power altogether, and have vainly endeavored to
force Protestantism upon the conquered race. The Irish pro-
blem will not be solved until the double curse of national and
religious antagonism is removed.
§ 12. Conversion of the Other Kingdoms of the Heptarchy.
Augustin, the apostle of the Anglo-Saxons, died A. D. 604,
and lies buried, with many of his successors, in the venerable
cathedral of Canterbury. On his tomb was written this epitaph :
"Here rests the Lord Augustin, first archbishop of Canterbury,
who being formerly sent hither by the blessed Gregory, bishop
of the city of Borne, and by God's assistance supported with
miracles, reduced king Ethelbert and his nation from the wor-
ship of idols to the faith of Christ, and having ended the days
of his office in peace, died on the 26th day of May, in the reign
of the same king." x
He was not a great man; but he did a great work in laying
the foundations of English Christianity and civilization.
Laurentius (604-619), and afterwards MeUitus (619-624) suc-
ceeded him in his office.
Other priests and monks were sent from Italy, and brought
with i&em books and such culture as remained after the irrup-
tion of the barbarians. The first archbishops of Canterbury and
York, and the bishops of most of tike Southern sees were foreign-
1 Bede II, c, 3 ; Haddan and Stubb6,HL 53.
38 FOUBTH PERIOD. A.D.590 TO 1049.
ers, if not consecrated, at least commissioned by the pope, and
kept up a constant correspondence with Borne. Gradually a
native clergy arose in England.
The work of Christianization went on among the other king-
doms of the heptarchy, and was aided by the marriage of kings
with Christian wives, but was more than once interrupted by
relapse into heathenism. Northumbria was converted chiefly
through the labors of the sainted AIDAN (d. Aug. 31, 651), a
monk from the island lona or Hii, and the first bishop of Lin-
djsfarne, who is even lauded by Bede for his zeal, piety and
good works, although he differed from him on the Easter ques-
tion.1 Sussex was the last part of the Heptarchy which re-
nounced paganism. It took nearly a hundred years before
England was nominally converted to the Christian religion.2
To this conversion England owes her national unity aud the
best elements of her civilization.3
The Anglo-Saxon Christianity was and continued to be till
the Reformation, the Christianity of Rome, with its excellences
and faults. It included the Latin mass, the worship of saints,
images and relics, monastic virtues and vices, pilgrimages to the
holy city, and much credulity and superstition. Even kings
abdicated their crown to show their profound reverence for the
supreme pontiff and to secure from him a passport to heaven.
Chapels, churches and cathedrals were erected in the towns;
convents founded in the country by the bank of the river or
under the shelter of a hill, and became rich by pious donations
of land. The lofty cathedrals and ivy-clad ruins of old abbeys
1 Bede HL, c. 14-17; V. 24.
9 See the details of the missionary labors in the seven kingdoms In Bede;
also in Milman- 1 c.; and the documents in Haddan and Stubbs, vol. IIL
* "The conversion of the heptarchic kingdom," says Professor Stubbs (Con-
stitutional History of England, Vol. I., p. 217), "during the seventh century not
only revealed to Europe and Christendom the existence of a new nation, but
may be said to have rendered the new nation conscious of its unity in a way in
which, under the influence of heathenism, community of language and custom
had felled to do."
g 13. CX)NFOEMITY TO KOME ESTABLISHED. 39
and cloisters in England and Scotland still remain to testify in
solemn silence to the power of mediaeval Catholicism.
§ 13. Conformity to Rome Established. Wilfrid, Theodore, Bede.
The dispute between the Anglo-Saxon or Roman, and the
British ritual was renewed in the middle of the seventh century,
but ended with the triumph of the former in England proper.
The spirit of independence had to take refuge in Ireland and
Scotland till the time of the Norman conquest, which crushed
it out also in Ireland.
WILFRID, afterwards bishop of York, the first distinguished
native prelate who combined clerical habits with haughty mag-
nificence, acquired celebrity by expelling "the quartodeciman
heresy and schism," as it was improperly called, from Nbrthum-
bria, where the Scots had introduced it through St. Aidan. The
controversy was decided in a Synod held at Whitby in 664 in
the presence of King Oswy or Oswio and his son Alfrid. Col-
man, the second successor of Aidan, defended the Scottish obser-
vance of Easter by tiie authority of St. Columba and the apostle
John. Wilfrid rested the Roman observance on the authority
of Peter, who had introduced it in Rome, and on the universal
custom of Christendom. When he mentioned, that to Peter
were intrusted the keys of the kingdom of heaven, the king said:
"I will not contradict the door-keeper, lest when I come to the
gates of the kingdom of heaven, there should be none to open
them/' By this irresistible argument the opposition was broken,
and conformity to the Roman observance established. The
Scottish semi-circular tonsure also, which was ascribed to Simon
Magus, gave way to tiie circular, which was derived from St. Peter.
Colman, being worsted, returned with his sympathizers to Scot-
land, where he built two monasteries. Tuda was made bishop in
his place.1
Soon afterwards, a dreadful pestilence raged through England
1 See a fall account of this controversy in Bede, HL, c. 25, 26, and in Haddan
and Stubborn. 100-106.
40 FOUETH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
and Ireland, while Caledonia was saved, as the pious inhabitants
believed, by the intercession of St. Columba.
The fusion of English Christians was completed in the age of
Theodoras, archbishop of Canterbury (669 to 690), and Beda
Venerabilis (b. 673, d. 735), presbyter and monk of Weormouth.
About the same time Anglo-Saxon literature was born, and laid
the foundation for the development of the national genius which
ultimately broke loose from Rome.
THEODORE was a native of Tarsus, where Paul was born, edu-
cated in Athens, and, of course, acquainted with Greek and Latin
learning. He received his appointment and consecration to the
primacy of England from Pope Vitalian. He arrived at Can-
terbury May 27, 669, visited the whole of England, established
the Roman rule of Easter, and settled bishops in all the sees
except London. He unjustly deposed bishop Wilfrid of York,
who was equally devoted to Rome, but in his later years be-
came involved in sacerdotal jealousies and strifes. He intro-
duced order into the distracted church and some degree of
education among the clergy. He was a man of autocratic tem-
per, great executive ability, and, having been directly sent from
Rome, he carried with him double authority. "He was the
first archbishop," says Bede, "to whom the whole church of
England submitted." During his administration the first Anglo-
Saxon mission to the mother-country of the Saxons and JFricsians
was attempted by Egbert, Victberct, and Willibrord (689 to
692). His chief work is a " Penitential " with minute directions
for a moral and religious life, and punishments for drunkenness,
licentiousness, and other prevalent vices.1
The VENERABLE BEDE was the first native English scholar,
the father of English theology and church history. He spent his
humble and peaceful life in the acquisition and cultivation of
1 The works of Theodore (Bmiteirftofe, etc.) in IMBgne's Prtrd., Tom. 90, p.
902. ComP.a]iwBede, IV. ^ Brigh^
DDL 114-227, where his Penitential is given in ML It was probably no direct
It presupposes a very bad state of morals among the clergy of that age.
? 13. CONFORMITY TO EOME ESTABLISHED. 41
ecclesiastical and secular learning, wrote Latin in prose and
verse, and translated portions of the Bible into Anglo-Saxon.
His chief work is his — the only reliable — Church History of old
England. He guides us with a gentle hand and in truly Chris-
tian spirit, though colored by Roman views, from, court to court,
from monastery to monastery, and bishopric to bishopric, through
the missionary labyrinth of the miniature kingdoms of his native
island. He takes the Roman side in the controversies with the
British churches.1
Before Bede cultivated Saxon prose, Csedmon (about 680),
first a swine-herd, then a monk at Whitby, sung, as by inspira-
tion, the wonders of creation and redemption, and became the
father of Saxon (and Christian German) poetry. His poetry
brought the Bible history home to the imagination of the Saxon
people, and was a faint prophecy of the "Divina Comedia" and
the "Paradise Lost."2 We have a remarkable parallel to this
association of Bede and Csedmon in the association of "Wiclif,
the first translator of the whole Bible into English (1380), and
the contemporary of Chaucer, the father of English poetry, both
forerunners of the British Reformation, and sustaining a relation
to Protestant England somewhat similar to the relation which
Bede and Csedmon sustain to mediaeval Catholic England.
The conversion of England was nominal and ritual, rather
than intellectual and moral. Education was confined to the
clergy and monks, and consisted in the knowledge of the Deca-
logue, tlie Creed and the Pater Koster, a little Latin, without
any Greek or Hebrew. The Anglo-Saxon clergy were only less
ignorant than the British. The ultimate triumph of the Roman
1 See Karl Werner (B. Q), Beda und seine Zdi, 1875. Bright, I c., pp. S26 sqq.
8 JBeda, Hist. JSbcZ. Anyl, IV. 24. Cfadffnonia monadii Paraphrases pjoetica Gem-
aw* ae prcwiptwrum aoeroe paginae HwtorwirMm, ed. F. Junius, Amst, 1655; mo-
iiern editions by B. Thorpe, Lond., 1832, and 0. W. M, Grein, Getting., 1857.
Bouterwok, Ctedmon's des Angekaehen b&lische Dicfoungen, Elberfeld, 1849-54,
2 Parts. F. Hammerich, JBltcste christiiche Jtyrik der Angdswhsen, Dwteeken, und
Nordltinder. Transl. from the Danish by Michelsen, 1874. Comp. also the
literature on the German Heliand, \ 27*
42 FOUETH PERIOD, A.D. 540 TO 1049
church was due chiefly to her superior organization, her direcf
apostolic descent, and the prestige of the Roman empire. Tt
made the Christianity of England independent of politico and
court-intrigues, and kept it in close contact with the Christianity
of the Continent. The advantages of this connection were g reater
than the dangers and evils of insular isolation. Among * II the
Teutonic tribes, the English became the most devoted subjects of
the Pope. They sent more pilgrims to Borne and more money
into the papal treasury than any other nation. They invented
the Peter's Pence. At least thirty of their kings and queens, and
an innumerable army of nobles ended their days in cloistral
retreats. Nearly all of the public lands were deeded to churches
and monasteries. But the exuberance of monasticiBm weakened
the military and physical force of the nation, and facilitated the
Danish and the Norman conquests. The power and riches of
the church secularized the clergy, and necessitated in due time a
reformation. Wealth always tends to vice, and vice to decay.
The Norman conquest did not change the ecclesiastical relations
of England, but infused new blood and vigor into the Saxon
race, which is all the better for its mixed character.
"We add a list of the early archbishops and bishops of the four
principal English sees, in tibie order of their foundation:1
Oard&rbury. London. Rochester. York
Augustm 597 Mellitus 604 Justus 604 Paulinas 625
Laurentius 604 [Cedd in Essex 654] Bomanus 624 Chad 665
Mellitus 619 Winl 666 Paulinus 633 Wilfrid, — conse-
Justus. 624Ercowald 675Ithamar 644 crated 665, in
Honorius 627 Waldhere 693 Damian 655 possession ........669
Deusdedit 655 Ingwald 704 Putta 669 Bosa 678
Theodore 668 Cmchelm 676 Wilfrid again 686
Brihtwald 693 Gebmund 678 Bosa again 691
Tatwin 731 Tobias 693 John 706
1 From Bright, p. 449, compared with the dates in Haddan and Stubbe, Vol. Ill
3 14. THE CONVEBSION OF IRELAND. 43
§ 14. The Conversion of Ireland. St. Patrick and St. Bridget.
LITERATURE.
L The writings of ST. PATRICK are printed in the Vita Sanctorum of
the Bollandists, sub March 17th; in PATRICII Opuscula, ed. Warseus
(Sir James Ware, Lond., 1656) ; in Migne's Patrolog., Tom. LIIL
790-839, and with critical notes in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils,
etc., Vol. II, Part II, (1878), pp. 296-323.
IL The Life of St. Patrick in the Acta Sanctorum, Mart., Tom. IE.
517 sqq.
TILLEMONT: Mmoires, Tom. XVI. 452, 781.
USSHEB: JBrit. Eccl. Antiqu.
J. H. TODD: St. Patrick, Apostle of Ireland. Dublin, 1864.
C. JOH. GJEtErra (K. 0.) : Geschichte der altirischen Kirche und ihr&r Ver-
bindung mit Bom., Gallien und Alemannien, ah Elnldtung in die Ge~
echichte des Stifts St. Gallen. Freiburg i. B. 1867.
DANIEL PE VINSTE : ttstory of the Irish Primitive Church, together with
the Life of St. Patrick. N. York, 1870.
J. FRANCIS SHERMAN (E. 0.): LOGO. Patridana: an Identification of
Localities, chiefly in Leinster, visited by &t. Patrick. Dublin, 1879.
F. E. WARREN (Episc.): The Manuscript Irish Missal at Corpus Ckristi
College, Oxford,. London, 1879.jKitoZ of the Celtic Church. Oxf. 1881.
Comp. also the works of TODD, MoLAucHLA2sr, EBRARD, KILLEN,
and SKENE, quoted in g 7, and FORBES, Calendars of Scottish Saints,
p. 431.
The church-history of Ireland is peculiar. It began with an
independent catholicity (or a sort of semi-Protestantism), and
ended with Eomanism, while other Western countries passed
through the reverse order. Lying outside of the bounds of the
Roman empire, and never invaded by Eoman legions,1 that vir-
gin island was Christianized without bloodshed and independently
of Rome and of the canons of the oecumenical synods. The early
Irish church differed from the Continental churches in minor
points of polity and worship, and yet excelled them all during
the sixth and seventh centuries in spiritual purity and missionary
zeal. After the Norman conquest, it became closely allied to
Rome. In titie sixteenth century the light of the Reformation
1 Agricola thought of invading Ireland, and holding it by a single legion, in
oider to remove from Britain the dangerous sight of freedom. Tacitus, Agrie^
c.24.
44 FOUETH PERIOD. A.D.590 TO 1049.
did not penetrate into the native population; but Queen Eliza*
beth and the Stuarts set up by force a Protestant state-religion
in antagonism to the prevailing faith of the people. Hence, by
the law of re-action, the Keltic portion of Ireland became more
intensely Roman Catholic, being filled with double hatred of
England on the ground of difference of race and religion. This
glaring anomaly of a Protestant state church in a Roman Catholic
country has been removed at last after three centuries of oppres-
sion and misrule, by the Irish Church Disestablishment Act in
1869 under the ministry of Gladstone.
The early history of Ireland (Hibernia) is buried in obscurity.
The ancient Hibernians were a mixed woe, but prevailingly
Keltic. They were ruled by petty tyrants, proud, rapacious
and warlike, who kept the country in perpetual strife. They
were devoted to their religion of Druidism. Their island, even
before the introduction of Christianity, was called the Sacred
Island. It was also called Scotia or Scotland down to the elev-
enth century.1 The Romans made no attempt at subjugation, as
they did not succeed in establishing their authority iu Caledonia.
The first traces of Irish Christianity are found at the end of
the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century.
As Pelagius, the father of the famous heresy, which bears his
name, was a Briton, so Qelestius, his chief ally and champion,
was a Hibernian; but we do not know whether he was a Chris-
tian before he left Ireland. Mansuetus, first bishop of Toul,
was an Irish Scot (A. D. o50). Pope Golestine, in 431, ordained
and sent Palladius, a Roman deacon, and probably a native
Briton, "to the Scots believing in Christ/' as their first bishop,2
This notice by Prosper of France implies the previous existence
of Christianity in Ireland. But Palladius was so discouraged
1 Isidore of Seville in 580 (Origmes XIV. 6) w»s the first to call Ilibernia by
the name of Scotia: "/Sbo*ia eadem et I&emw, proximo, Brifannfa iwda"
2 Prosper Aquitan. (A. D. 455-463), Chr<m. ad an. 431 : "Ad Scotos in Christum
eredentes ordinaius a Papa Ocdestino Pattadius primus JEpiscopm mitittur" Comp.
Vita S. PaUadii in the .Book of Armagh, and the notes by Haddan and Stubhs,
Vol. IL, Part IL, pp. 290, 291.
2 14. THE CONVERSION OF IRELAND. 45
that lie soon abandoned the field, with his assistants, for North
Britain, where he died among the Piets.1 For nearly two cen-
turies after this date, we have no authentic record of papal inter-
course with Ireland ; and yet during that period it took its place
among the Christian countries. It was converted by two humble
individuals, who probably never saw Rome, St. Patrick, once a
slave, and St. Bridget, the daughter of a slave-mother.2 The
Koman tradition that St. Patrick was sent by Pope Cselestine is
too late to have any claim upon our acceptance, and is set aside
by the entire silence of St. Patrick himself in his genuine works.
It arose from confounding Patrick with Palladius. The Roman
mission of Palladius failed; the independent mission of Patrick
succeeded. He is the true Apostle of Ireland, and has impressed
his memory in indelible characters upon the Irish race at home
and abroad.
ST. PATRICK or Patricius (died March 17, 465 or 493) was the
son of a deacon, and grandson of a priest, as he confesses him-
self without an intimation of the unkwfulness of clerical mar-
riages.5 He was in his youth carried captive into Ireland, with
many others, and served his master six years as a shepherd.
While tending his flock in the lonesome fields, the teachings of
his childhood awakened to new life in his heart without any
particular external agency. He escaped to France or Britain,
was again enslaved for a short period, and had a remarkable
1 He is said to have left in Ireland, when he withdrew, some relics of Sk
Peter and Paul, and a copy of the Old and New Testaments, which the Pope
had given him, together with the tablets on which he himself used to write.
Haddan & Stubbs, p. 291.
3 Hence Montalembert says (II. 393): "The Christian faith dawned upon
Ireland by means of two slaves.'7 The slave-trade between Ireland and Eng-
land flourished for many centuries.
8 This fact is usually omitted by Boman Catholic writers. Butler says sim-
ply: "His father was of a good &mily." Even Montalembert conceals it by
calling "the Gallo-Eoman (?) Patrick, son of a relative of the great St. Mar-
tin of Tours" (II. 890). He also repeats, without a shadow of proof, the legend
that St Patrick wag consecrated and commissioned by Pope St Celestine (p.
391), though he admits that "legend and history have vied in taking possession
of the life of St Patrick"
46 FOUETH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
dream, which decided his calling. He saw a man, Vietoricius,
who handed him innumerable letters from Ireland, begging him
to come over and help them. He obeyed the divine monition,
and devoted the remainder of his life to the conversion of Ire-
land (from A.D. 440 to 493).1
"I am," he says, "greatly a debtor to God, who has bestowed
his grace so largely upon me, that multitudes were born again
to God through me. The Irish, who never had the knowledge
of God and worshipped only idols and unclean things, have
lately become the people of the Lord, and arc called sons of
God." He speaks of having baptized many thousands of men.
Armagh seems to have been for some time the centre of his mis-
sionary operations, and is to this day the seat of the primacy of
Ireland, both Eoman Catholic and Protestant He died in
peace, and was buried in Downpatrick (or Gabhul), where he
began his mission, gained his first converts and spent his de-
clining years.2
His Roman Catholic biographers have surrounded his life
with marvelous achievements, while some modern Protestant
hypercritics have questioned even his existence, as there IB no
certain mention of his name before 634; unless it be "the
Hymn of St. Sechnall (JSeeundinm) in praise of St. Patrick,"
which is assigned to 448. But if we accept his own writingH,
"there can be no reasonable doubt" (wo say with a Pro#-
byterian historian of Ireland) "that he preached the gospel in
Hibernia in the fifth century; that he was a most zealous and
efficient evangelist, and that he is eminently entitled to the
honorable designation of. the Apostte of Ireland" s
1 The dates are merely conjectural. Haddan <fc Stubbs (p, 295) select A.D.
440 for St. Patrick's mission (as did Tillemont & Todd), and 493 as the year of
his death. According to other accounts, his mission began much earlier, and
lasted sixty years. The alleged date of the foundation of Armagh is A. D. 445.
2 Afterwards Armagh disputed the claims of Downpatrick. See Killen L 71-73.
8 Killen, Vol. 1. 12. Patrick describes himself as " JOftenone <m#titutwt epfowpus"
Afterwards he was called " Episcopus Seotorum," then " ArcMapostolw Scotorum,"
then " Abbat of all Ireland," and "Archbishop, First Primate, and Chief Apot*-
tle of Ireland/' See Haddaa & Stubbs, p. 295.
2 14. THE OONVEESION OF IKELAND. 47
The Christianity of Patrick was substantially that of Gaul
and old Britain, i. e. Catholic, orthodox, monastic, ascetic, but
independent of the Pope, and differing from Rome in the age of
Gregory I. in minor matters of polity and ritual. In his Con-
fession he never mentions Rome or the Pope; he never appeals
to tradition, and seems to recognize the Scriptures (including the
Apocrypha) as the only authority in matters of faith. He quotes
from the canonical Scriptures twenty-five times; three times
from the Apocrypha. It has been conjectured that the failure
and withdrawal of Palladius was due to Patrick, who had
already monopolized this mission-field; but, according to the
more probable chronology, the mission of Patrick began about
nine years after that of Palladius. From the end of the
seventh century, the two persons were confounded, and a part
of the history of Palladius, especially his connection with Pope
Cselestinc, was transferred to Patrick.1
With St. Patrick there is inseparably connected the most
renowned female saint of Ireland, ST. BBIDGET (or Brigid, Bri-
gida, Bride), who prepared his winding sheet and survived him
many years. She died Feb. 1, 523 (or 525). She is "the Mary
of Ireland," and gave her name to innumerable Irish daughters,
churches, and convents. She is not to be confounded with her
name-sake, the widow-saint of Sweden. Her life is surrounded
even by a still thicker cloud of legendary fiction than that of St.
Patrick, so that it is impossible to separate the facts from the ac-
cretions of a credulous posterity. She was an illegitimate child of
a chieftain or bard, and a slave-mother, received holy orders, be-
came deformed in answer to her own prayer, founded the famous
nunnery of Kildare (i. e. the Church of the Oak),2 foretold the
birth of Columba, and performed all sorts of signs and wonders,
1 Haddan <fc Stubbs, p. 294, note: "The language of the Hymns of S. Seehnalf
and of S. Fiacc, and of S. Patrick's own Confessio, and the silence of Prosper,
besides chronological difficulties, disprove, upon purely historical grounds, the
supposed mission from Borne of S. Patrick himself; which first appears in the
Scholia on & Place's Hymn."
* The probable date of foundation is A. D. 480. Haddan & Stubbs, p. 295.
48 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
Upon her tomb in Kildare arose the inextinguishable flame
called "the Light of St. Bridget," which her nuns (like the
Vestal Virgins of Borne) kept
"Through long ages of darkness and storm" (Moore).
Six lives of her were published by Colgan in his Trias Thau-
ma&wrgus, and five by the Bollandists in the Ada Sanctorum.
OHMcal Note on St. Patrick.
We have only one or two genuine documents from Patrick, both writ-
ten in semi-barbarous (early Irish) Latin, but breathing an humble, devout
and fervent missionary spirit without anything specifically Eoman, viz.
liis autobiographical Confession (in 25 chapters), written shortly before
his death (493?), and his Letter of remonstrance to Ooroticus (or Ccrcdig),
a British chieftain (nominally Christian), probably of Cercdigion or
Cardigan, who had made a raid into Ireland, and sold sovernl of
Patrick's converts into slavery (10 chapters). The Confession, as con-
tained in the "Book of Armagh," is alleged to have been transcribed
before A. D. 807 from Patrick's original autograph, which was then
partly illegible. There are four other MSS. of the eleventh century,
with sundry additions towards the close, which seem to be independent
copies of the same original. See Haddan & Stubbs, note on p. 296.
The Epistle to Coroticus is much shorter, and not so generally accepted.
Both documents were first printed in 1656, then in 1668 in the Acta
Sanctorum, also in Migne's Pabrologia, (Vol. 53), in Miss Cusack's Life
of St. Patrick, in the work of Ebrard (I c. 482 sqq.), and in Haddan
& Stubbs, Councils (Vol. IL, P. IL, 296 sqq.).
There is a difference of opinion about Patrick's nationality, whether ho
was of Scotch, or British, or French extraction. He begins his Confession :
"I, Patrick, a sinner, the rudest and the least of all the feithful, and the
most contemptible with the multitude (Ego Patricius, peccator, rusficwi-
rnus et minimus omnium fidelium et cmtempt&ilimmus apud plurimo*, or,
according to another reading, wntemptibilis sum apud plurimos), had for
my fether Calpornus (or Calphurnius), a deacon (diaconvm, or diaamem),
-foe son of Potitus (at. Photius), a presbyter (filium quondam Pbtiti, pres-
fyteri), who lived in the village of Bannavem (or Banaven) of Tabernia;
for he had a cottage in the neighborhood where I was captured. I was
then about sixteen years old; but I was ignorant of the true God, and
-was led away into captivity to Hibernia." Bannavem of Tabernia is
perhaps Banavie in Lochaber in Scotland (jSlcLauchlan) ; other* fix the
2 14. THE CONVERSION OF IRELAND. 49
place of his birth in Kilpatriek (L e. the cell or church of Patrick), near
Dunbarton on the Clyde (Ussher, Butler, Maclear) ; others, somewhere
in Britain, and thus explain his epithet "Brito" or "Briton" (Joceline
and Skene); still others seek it hi Armoric Gaul, in Boulogne (from
Bononia), and derive Brito from Brittany (Lanigan, Moore, Killen, De
Vinne).
He does not state the instrumentality of his conversion. Being
the son of a clergyman, he must have received some Christian instruc-
tion; but he neglected it till he was made to feel the power of reli-
gion in communion with God while in slavery. "After I arrived in
Ireland," he says (ch. 6), "every day I fed cattle, and frequently during
the day I prayed; more and more the love and fear of God burned, and
my faith and my spirit were strengthened, so that in one day I said as
many as a hundred prayers, and nearly as many in the night." He rep-
resents his call and commission as coming directly from God through a
vision, and alludes to no intervening ecclesiastical authority or episcopal
consecration. In one of the oldest Irish MSS., the Book of Burrow, he
is styled a presbyter. In the Epistle to Coroticus, he appears more
churchly and invested with episcopal power and jurisdiction. It begins :
"Paforiwus, peccator indoctus, Htberwne (or JSyberione) constitirius episcopus,
certissime rear, a Deo accepi id quod sum; inter barbaras utique gentes pro-
selytus etprofuga, ob amorem Dei." (So according to the text of Haddan
& Stubbs, p. 314; somewhat different in Migne, Patrol LITE. 814; and
in Ebrard, p. 505.) But the letter does not state where or by whom he
was consecrated.
The "Book of Armagh " contains also an Irish hymn (the oldest monu-
ment of the Irish Keltic language), called £ Patridi Canticum Scotticum,
which Patrick is said to have written when he was about to convert the
chief monarch of the island (Laoghaire or Loegaire).1 The hymn is a
prayer for the special aid of Almighty God for so important a work; it
contains the principal doctrines of orthodox Christianity, with a dread
of magical influences of aged women and blacksmiths, such as still
prevails in some parts of Ireland, but without an invocation of Mary
and the saints, such as we might expect from the Patrick of tradition
and in a composition intended as a breast-plate or corselet against spirit-
ual foes. The following is the principal portion:
1 The Irish was first published by Dr. Petrie, and translated by Dr. Todd.
Haddan & Stubbs (320-323) give the Irish and English in parallel columns.
Some parts of this hymn are said to be stall remembered by the Irish peasantry
and repeated at bed-time as a protection from evil, or "as a religious armor to
protect body and soul against demons and men and vices."
50 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590 TO 1049.
"5. I bind to myself to-day, —
The Power of God to guide me,
The Might of God to uphold me,
The Wisdom of God to teach me,
The Eye of God to watch over me,
The Ear of God to hear me,
The Word of God to give me speech,
The Hand of God to protect me,
The Way of God to go before me,
The Shield of God to shelter me,
The Host of God to defend me,
Against the snares of demons,
Against the temptations of vices,
Against the lusts of nature,
Against every man who meditates injury to me,
Whether far or near,
With few or with many.
6. I have set around me all these powers,
Directed against my body and my soul,
Against the incantations of false prophets,
Against the false laws of heresy,
Against the deceits of idolatry,
Against the spells of women, and smiths, and draidg,
Against all knowledge which blinds the soul of man.
7. Christ protect me to-day
Against poison, against burning,
Against drowning, against wound,
That I may receive abundant reward.
8. Christ with me, Christ before me,
Christ behind me, Christ within me,
Christ beneath me, Christ above me,
Christ at my right, Christ at my left,
Christ in the fort [i. e. at home],
Christ in the chariot-seat [travelling by land],
Christ in the poop [travelling by water].
9. Christ in the heart of every man who thinks of me,
Christ in the mouth of every man who speaks to me^
Christ in every eye that sees me,
Christ in every ear that hears me.
1 14. THE CONVERSION OF IRELAND. 51
10. I bind to myself to-day
The strong power of an invocation of the Trinity,
The faith of the Trinity in Unity,
The Creator of [the elements].
11. Salvation is of the Lord,
Salvation is of the Lord,
Salvation is of Christ;
May thy salvation, 0 Lord, be ever with us.'*
The fourth and last document which has been claimed as authentic
and contemporary, is a Latin " Hymn in praise of St. Patrick " (Hymnus
SancH Patricii, JEpfoeopi jScotorum) by St. Sechnall (Secundinus) which
begins thus:
"Audite, omnes amantes Deum, sancta merifa
Vvri in Christo beati Patricii Hfciscopi:
Quomodo bonum ob acfum simulaiur angelis,
The poem is given in fuU by Haddan & Stubbs, 324-327, and assigned
to "before A. D. 448 ( ? )," in which year Sechnall died. But how could
he anticipate the work of Patrick, when his mission, according to the
same writers, began only eight years earlier (440), and lasted till 493?
The hymn is first mentioned by Tyrechanus in the "Book of Armagh."
The next oldest document is the Irish hymn of St. Fiacc on St. Patrick,
which is assigned to the latter part of the sixth century, (I c. 356-361).
The Senchw Mor is attributed to the age of St. Patrick; but it is a code
of Irish laws, derived from Pagan times, and gradually modified by
Christian ecclesiastics in favor of the church. The Canons attributed to
St. Patrick are of later date (Haddan & Stubbs, 328 sqq.).
It is strange that St. Patrick is not mentioned by Bede in his Church
History, although he often refers to Hibernia and its church, and is barely
named as a presbyter in his Martyrology. He is also ignored by Columba
and by the Roman Catholic writers, until his mediaeval biographers from
the eighth to the twelfth century Romanized him, appealing not to his
genuine Confession, but to spurious documents and vague traditions.
He is said to have converted all the Irish chieftains and bards, even
Ossian, the blind Homer of Scotland, who sang to him his long epic of
Keltic heroes and battles. He founded 365 or, according to others, 700
churches, and consecrated as many bishops, and 3,000 priests (when the
whole island had probably not more than two or three hundred thousand
inhabitants ; for even in the reign of Elizabeth it did not exceed 600,000).'
1 See Kfflen, 1 76, note. Montalembert says, HI. 118, note: "Irish narra-
tives know scarcely any numerals but those of three hundred and three thousand.
52 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
He changed the laws of the kingdom, healed the blind, raised nine per-
sons from death to life, and expelled all the snakes and frogs from Ire-
land.1 His memory is celebrated March 17, and is a day of great public
processions with the Irish Catholics in all parts of the world. His death
is variously put in the year 455 (Tillemont), 464 or 465 (Butler, Killen),
493 (Ussher, Skene, Forbes, Haddan & Stubbs). Forbes (Kdlendars, p.
433) and Skene (Keltic Scotland, IE. 427 sqq.) come to the conclusion that
the legend of St. Patrick in its present shape is not older than the ninth
century, and dissolves into three personages: SEN-PATBICK, whose day
in the Kalendar is the 24th of August; PALLADIUS, "qui est Patridus,"
to whom the mission in 431 properly belongs, and PATRICIITS, whose
day is the 17th of March, and who died in 493. " From the acts of these
three saints, the subsequent legend of the great Apostle of Ireland was
compiled, and an arbitrary chronology applied to it."
§ 15. The Irish Church after St. Patrick
THE MISSIONARY PERIOD.
The labors of St. Patrick were carried on by his pupils and
by many British priests and monks who were driven from Eng-
land by the Anglo-Saxon invasion in the 5th and 6th centuries.*
There was an intimate intercourse between Ireland and Wales,
where British Christianity sought refuge, and between Ireland
and Scotland, where the seed of Christianity had been planted
by Ninian and Kentigern. In less than a century after St.
Patrick's death Ireland was covered with churches and convents
for men and women. The monastic institutions were training
schools of clergymen and missionaries, and workshops for trans-
scribing sacred books. Prominent among these are the monas-
1 A witty Irishman, who rowed me (in 1875) over Lake Killarney, told me
that St. Patrick put the last snake into an iron box, and sunk it to the bottom
of the lake, although he had solemnly promised to let the creature out. t
asked him whether it was not a sin to cheat a snake? "Not at all/' was his
quick reply, "he only paid him in the same coin; for the first snake cheated
the whole world." The same guide told me that Cromwell killed all the good
people in Ireland, and let the had ones lire; and when I objected that he must
have made an exception with his ancestors, he politely replied: "No, my
9 Petrie (Round Towers, p. 137, quoted by Killen 1. 26) speaks of crowds of
foreign ecclesiastics—Eoman, Egyptian, French, British, Saxon — who flocked
into Ireland as a place of refuge in the fifth and sixth centuries.
g 15. THE IRISH CHUECH AFTER ST. PATRICK. 53
teries of Armagh, Banchor or Bangor (558), Clonard (500),
Cloninacnois (528), Deny (555), Glendolough (618).
During the sixth and seventh centuries Ireland excelled all
other countries in Christian piety, and acquired the name of
"the Island of Saints." We must understand this in a compa-
rative sense, and remember that at that time England was just
beginning to emerge from Anglo-Saxon heathenism, Germany
was nearly all heathen, and the French kings — the eldest sons
of the Church — were "monsters of iniquity." Ireland itself
was distracted by civil wars between the petty kings and chief-
tains; and the monks and clergy, even the women, marched to
the conflict. Adamnaa with difficulty secured a law exempting
women from warfare, and it was not till the ninth century that
the clergy in Ireland were exempted from "expeditions and
hostings " (battles). The slave-trade was in full vigor between
Ireland and England in the tenth century, with the port of
Bristol for its centre. The Irish piety was largely based on
childish superstition. But the missionary zeal of that country
is nevertheless most praiseworthy. Ireland dreamed the dream
of converting heathen Europe. Its apostles went forth to Scot-
land, North Britain, France, Germany, Switzerland, and North
Italy. "They covered the land and seas of the West. Unwea-
ried navigators, they landed on the most desert islands; they
overflowed the Continent with their successive immigrations.
They saw in incessant visions a world known and, unknown to
be conquered for Christ. The poem of the Pilgnmaffe of St.
Jirandan, that monkish Odyssey so celebrated in the middle
ages, that popular prelude of the Dimna Commedia, shows us
the Irish monks in close contact with all the dreams and won*
ders of the Keltic ideal111
The missionaries left Ireland usually in companies of twelve,
with a thirteenth as their leader. This duodecimal economy
was to represent Christ and the twelve apostles. The following
are the most prominent of these missionary bands :f
1 Montalembert, H. 397. • See Beeves, & CWwm&o, Introd., p. bod.
64 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D.590 TO 1019.
St. Columba, with twelve brethren, to Hy In Scotland,
A.D. 563.
St. Mohonna (or Macarius, Mauricius), sent by Columba, with
twelve companions, to the Picts.
St. Columbanus, with twelve brethren, whose names are on
record, to France and Germany, A.D. 612.
St. Kilian, with twelve, to Franconia and Wiirzburg,
A.D. 680.
St. Eloquius, with twelve, to Belgium, A.D. 680.
St. Rudbert or Eupert, with twelve, to Bavaria, A. D. 700.
St. "Willibrord (who studied twelve years in Ireland), with
twelve, to Friesland, A.D. 692.
St. Forannan, with twelve, to the Belgian frontier, A.D. 970.
It is remarkable that this missionary activity of the Irish
Church is confined to the period of her independence of the
Church of Eome. We hear no more of it after the Norman
conquest.
The Irish Church during this missionary period of the sixth
and seventh centuries had a peculiar character, which we learn
chiefly from two documents of the eighth century, namely, the
Catalogue of the Saints of Ireland,1 and the Litany of Angus
the Culdee.1
The Catalogue distinguishes three periods and three orders of
saints: secular, monastic, and eremitical.
The saints of the time of St. Patrick were all bishops full of
the Holy Ghost, three hundred and fifty in number, founders
of churches; they had one head, Christ, and one leader, Patrick,
observed one mass and one tonsure from ear to ear, and kept
Easter on the fourteenth moon after the vernal equinox; they
excluded neither laymen nor women; because, founded on the
Bock of Christ, they feared not the blast of temptation. They
sprung from the Romans, Franks, Britons and Soots. This
1 Cbtologw Sanctorum Wbernuz, first published by Hasher from two MSS,
andin Haddan&Stubbs, 292-294.
* Contained in the Leabhar Bros* and in the Book of Leinster.
I 15. THE IEISH CHURCH AFTER ST. PATRICK. 55
order of saints continued for four reigns, from about A. D. 440
till 643.
The second order, likewise of four reigns, till A.D. 599, was
of Catholic Presbyters, three hundred in number, with few
bishops; they had one head, Christ, one Easter, one tonsure, as
before; but different masses and different rules, and they refused
the services of women, separating them from the monasteries.
The third order of saints consisted of one hundred holy pres-
byters and a few bishops, living in desert places on herbs and
water and the alms of the faithful ; they had different tonsures
and Easters, some celebrating the resurrection on the 14th,
some on the 16th moon; they continued through four reigns
till 665.
The first period may be called episcopal, though in a rather
non-episcopal or undiocesan sense. Angus, in his Litany, in-
vokes "seven times fifty [350] holy cleric bishops," whom "the
saint [Patrick] ordained/' and "three hundred pure presbyters,
upon whom he conferred orders." In Nennius the number of
presbyters is increased to three thousand, and in the tripartite
Life of Patrick to five thousand. These bishops, even if we
greatly reduce the number as we must, had no higher rank
than the ancient chorepiscopi or country-bishops in the Eastern
Church, of whom there were once in Asia Minor alone upwards
of four hundred. Angus the Culdee gives us even one hundred
and fifty-three groups of seven bishops, each group serving in
the same church. Patrick, regarding himself as the chief bishop
of the whole Irish people, planted a church wherever he made a
few converts and could obtain a grant from the chief of a dan,
and placed a bishop ordained by himself over it "It was a
congregational and tribal episcopacy, united by a federal rather
than a territorial tie under regular jurisdiction. During Patrick's
life, he no doubt exercised a superintendence over the whole;
but we do not see any trace of the metropolitan jurisdiction of
the church of Armagh over the rest." *
18keneIL22.
56 FOURTH PEBIOD. A.B. 590 TO 1049.
The second period was monastic and missionary. All the
presbyters and deacons were monks. Monastic life was conge-
nial to the soil, and had its antecedents in the brotherhoods and
sisterhoods of the Druids.1 It was imported into Ireland pro-
bably from France, either directly through Patrick, or from
the monastery of St. Ninian at Galloway, who himself derives it
from St. Martin of Tours.* Prominent among these presbyter-
monks are the twelve apostles of Ireland headed by St. Columba,
who carried Christianity to Scotland in 563, and the twelve
companions of Columbanus, who departed from Ireland to the
Continent about 612. The most famous monastery was that of
Bennchar, or Bangor, founded A. D. 558 by Comgall in the
county of Down, on the south side of Belfast Lough. Comgall
had four thousand monks under his care.3 From Bangor pro-
ceeded Columbanus and other evangelists.
By a primitive Keltic monastery we must not understand an
elaborate stone structure, but a rude village of wooden huts or
bothies (botha) on a river, with a church (ecdais), a common
eating-hall, a mill, a hospice, the whole surrounded by a wall
of earth or stone. The senior monks gave themselves entirely
to devotion and the transcribing of the Scriptures. The younger
were occupied in the field and in mechanical labor, or the train**
ing of the rising generation. These monastic communities
formed a federal union, with Christ as their invisible head.
They were training schools of the clergy. They attracted con-
verts from the surrounding heathen population, and offered
them a refuge from danger and violence. They were resorted
1 Ammianus Marcellinus (XV. 9) describes the Druids as *e bound together
in brotherhoods and corporations, according to the precepts of Pythagoras."
See Killen, I. 29.
9 See next section. St. Patrick also is said to have been one of St. Martin's
disciples ; but St. Martin lived nearly one hundred years earlier.
8 Angus the Culdee, in his Litany, invokes "forty thousand monks, with the
blessing of God, under the rule of Comgall of Bangor." But this is no doubt a
slip of the pen for "four thousand." Skene II. 56. Bangor on the north-
eastern coast of Ireland must not be confounded with Bangor on the western
coast of Wales.
J 15. THE IRISH CHUECH AFTER ST. PATRICK. 57
to by English noblemen, who, according to Bede, were hospita-
bly received, furnished with books, and instructed. Some Irish
clergymen could read the Greek Testament at a time when
Pope Gregory L was ignorant of Greek. There are traces of
an original Latin version of the Scriptures differing from the
Itak and Vulgate, especially in Patrick's writings.1 But "there
is no trace anywhere of any Keltic version of the Bible or any
part of it St. Chrysostom's words have been misunderstood to
support such a supposition, but without ground."2 If there had
been such a translation, it would have been of little use, as the
people could not read it, and depended for their scanty know-
ledge of the word of God on the public lessons in the church.
The "Book of Armagh/' compiled by Ferdomnach, a scribe
or learned monk of Armagh, in 807, gives us some idea of the
literary state of the Irish Church at that time.8 It contains the
oldest extant memoirs of St. Patrick, the Confession of St. Pat-
rick, the Preface of Jerome to the New Testament, the Gospels,
Epistles, Apocalypse and Acts, with some prefaces chiefly taken
from the works of Pelagius, and the Life of St. Martin of Tours
by Sulpicius Severus, with a short litany on behalf of the writer.
In the ninth century John Scotus Erigena, who died in France,
874, startled the Church with his rare, but eccentric, genius and
pantheistic speculations. He had that power of quick repartee
for which Irishmen are distinguished to this day. When asked
by Charles the Bald at the dinner-table, what was the difference
between a Scot and a Sot (quid disfat inter Scottum et Sotiwrnf),
Joh>*» replied : "Nothing at all but the table, please your Majesty."
1 Biddan & Stubbs, Vol. I, 170-198, give a collection of Latin Scripture
dins* St. Patrick, Gildas, Golumbanus, Adamnanus, NenniTis, Asser, e£c.), and
come to the conclusion that the Vulgate, though known to Fastidius in Britain
about A.D. 420, was probably unknown to St. Patrick, wilting half a century
later in Iceland, but that from the seventh century on, the Vulgate gradually
superseded the Irish Latin version formerly in use.
* Haddan A Stubbe, L 192; comp. p. 10. Ebrard and other writers state the
contrary, but without proof!
9 First published in the Swords Parish JfoposMie, 1861.
58 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
§ 16. Subjection of Ireland to English and Roman Hule.
The success of the Eoman mission of Augustin among the
Anglo-Saxons encouraged attempts to bring the Irish Church
under the papal jurisdiction and to force upon it the ritual
observances of Rome. England owes a good deal of her Chris-
tianity to independent Irish and Scotch missionaries from Ban-
gor and lona; but Ireland (as well as Germany) owes her
Romanism, in great measure, to England. Pope Honorius (who
was afterwards condemned by the sixth oecumenical council for
holding the Monothelite heresy) addressed to the Irish clergy in
629 an exhortation — not, however, in the tone of authoritative
dictation, but of superior wisdom and experience — to conform
to the Roman mode of keeping Easter. This is the first known
papal encyclical addressed to that country. A Synod was held
at Magh-Lene, and a deputation sent to the Pope (and the three
Eastern patriarchs) to ascertain the foreign usages on Easter, The
deputation was treated with distinguished consideration in Rome,
and, after three years' absence, reported in favor of the Roman
cycle, which indeed rested on a better system of calculation.
It was accordingly adopted in the South of Ireland, under the
influence of the learned Irish ecclesiastic Cummian, who devoted
a whole year to the study of the controversy. A few years
afterwards, Thomian, archbishop and abbot of Armagh (from
623 to 661), and the best Irish scholar of his age, introduced,
after correspondence with the Pope, the Roman custom in the
North, and thereby promoted his authority in opposition to the
power of the abbot of lona, which extended over a portion of
Ireland, and strongly favored the old custom. But at last
Abbot Adamnan likewise yielded to the Roman practice before
his death (T04).
The Norman conquest under William L, with the sanction of
the Pope, united the Irish Church still more closely to Rome
(1066). Gregory VII., in an encyclical letter to the king,
clergy and laity of Ireland (1084), boldly challenged their obe-
2 16. SUBJECTION OF LRELAOTX 59
dience to the Vicar of fiie blessed Peter, and invited them to
appeal to him in all matters requiring arbitration.
The archbishops of Canterbury, Lanfranc and Anselm, claimed
and exercised a sort of supervision over the three most important
sea-ports, Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick, on the ground that
the Norman settlers applied to them for bishops and priests.
Their influence was exerted ia favor of conformity to Kome.
Clerical celibacy was more generally introduced, uniformity in
ritual established, and the large number of bishoprics reduced to
twenty-three under two archbishops, Armagh for the North and
Cashel for the South; while the bishop of Dublin was permitted
to remain under the care of the archbishop of Canterbury. This
reorganization of the polity in the interest of the aggrandizement
of the hierarchy was effected about 1112 at the synod of Kath-
breasail, which was attended by 58 bishops, 317 priests, a large
number of monks, and King Murtogh O'Brien with his nobles.1
At last Ireland was invaded and conquered by England under
Henry II., wiiih the effectual aid of Pope Adrian IV. — the
only Englishman that sat on the papal throne. In a curious bull
of 1155, he justified and encouraged the intended invasion in
the interest of the papacy, and sent the king the ring of investi-
ture as Lord of Ireland, calling upon that licentious monarch to
"extirpate the nurseries of vice" in Ireland, to "enlarge the
borders of the (Eoman) Church," and to secure to St. Peter
from each house "the annual pension of one penny" (equal in
value in the twelfth century to at least two or three shillings of
our present currency).2 Henry carried out his design in 1171,
1 See details in Lanigan and Killen (ch. vii.).
3 This papal-Irish, bull is not found in the Huttarium JZomanum, the editors of
which were ashamed of it, and is denounced by some Irish Romanists as a mon-
strous and outrageous forgery, hut it is given by Matthew Paris (1155), was con-
firmed by Pope Alexander III. in a letter to Henry II. (A. D. 1172), published
in Ireland in 1175, printed in Baronius, Annalw ad A-D. 1159, who took his
copy from a Codex Vaticanus, and is acknowledged as undoubtedly genuine by
Dr. Lanigan, the Boman Catholic historian of Ireland (IV. 64), and other au-
thorities; comp. Ellen I. 211 sqq. It is as follows:
"Adrian, Bishop, Servant of the servants of God, to his dearest son in Christ,
ihe illustrious King of England, greeting and apostolic benediction.
60 FOTJBTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
and with a strong military force easily subdued the whole Irish
nation, weakened and distracted by civil wars, to British rule,
which has been maintained ever since. A Synod at Armagh
regarded the subjugation as a righteous judgment for the sins of
the people, and especially for the slave trade. The bishops
"Full laudably and profitably lias your magnificence conceived the design of
propagating your glorious renown on earth, and of completing your reward of
eternal happiness in heaven, whilst as a Catholic prince you are intent on
enlarging the borders of the Church, teaching the truth of the Christian faith
to the ignorant and rude, extirpating the nurseries of iniquity from the field of
the Lord, and for the more convenient execution of this purpose, requiring the
counsel and favor of the Apostolic See. In which the maturer your deliberation
and the greater the discretion of your procedure, by so much the happier, we
trust, will be your progress, with the assistance of the Lord; because whatever
has its origin in ardent faith and in love of religion always has a prosperous
end and issue.
"There is indeed no doubt but that Ireland and all the islands on which
Christ the Sun of Eighteousness has shone, and which have received the doc-
trines of the Christian faith, belong to the jurisdiction of St Peter and of the
holy Boman Church, as your Excellency also acknowledges. And therefore
we are the more solicitous to propagate a faithful plantation among them, and
a seed pleasing to the Lord, as we have the secret conviction of conscience that
a very rigorous account must be rendered of them.
"You then, most dear son in Christ, have signified to us your desire to enter
into the island of Ireland that you may reduce the people to obedience to laws,
and extirpate the nurseries of vice, and that yon are willing to pay from each
house a yearly pension of one penny to St. Peter, and that you will preserve
the rights of the churches of this land whole and inviolate. We, therefore,
-with that grace and acceptance suited to your pious and laudable design, and
favorably assenting to your petition, hold it good and acceptable that, for ex-
tending the borders of the church, restraining the progress of vice, for the cor-
rection of manners, the planting of virtue, and the increase of the Christian
religion, you enter that island, and execute therein whatever shall pertain to
the honor of God and welfare of the land; and that the people of that land
receive you honorably, and reverence you as their lord— the rights of their
churches still remaining sacred and inviolate, and saving to St. Peter the annual
pension of one penny from every house.
"If then you are resolved to carry the design you have conceived into effect-
ual execution, study to train that nation to virtuous manners, and labor by
yourself and others whom you shall judge meet for this work, in feith, word,
and life, that the church may be there adorned; that the religion of the Chris-
tian feith may be planted and grow up, and that all things pertaining to the
honor of God and the salvation of soula be so ordered that you may be entitled
to the fulness of eternal reward in God, and obtain a glorious renown on earth
throughout all ages."
2 17. THE CONVERSION OF SCOTLAND. 61
were the first to acknowledge Henry, hoping to derive benefit
from a foreign regime, which freed them from petty tyrants at
home. A Synod of Cashel in 1172, among other regulations,
ordered that all offices of the church should hereafter in all parts
of Ireland be conformed to the observances of the Church of
England. A papal legate henceforward was constantly residing
in Ireland. Pope Alexander III. was extremely gratified with
this extension of his dominion, and in September, 1172, in the
game tone of sanctimonious arrogance, issued a brief confirming
the bull of Adrian, and expressing a hope that "the barbarous
nation " would attain under the government of Henry "to some
decency of manners ;w he also wrote three epistles — one to Henry
IL, one to the kings and nobles of Ireland, and one to its hier-
archy— enjoining obedience of Ireland to England, and of both
to the see of St. Peter.1
§ 17. The Cmverwm of Scotland. St. Ninian and St. Kentiffern.
See the works of SKENB (the second vol.), BEEVES, MCLAUCHLAK,
EBBABD, Ctarm^GHAM, mentioned in | 7.
Also DR. REEVES: TheCuldeesof the British Islands as th&y appear
in JB&tory, 1864
DR. Jos. ROBERTSON: Statute Ecclesice Scoticana, 1866, 2 vols.
BISHOP FORBES: The Calendars of Scottish fiainto, Edink, 1872; Lives
of & Ninian and S. JZentigem, compiled in the l%th century, Edinb.,
1874
HADDAN & STUBBS: Councils and JEcclesiast. Docum., Vol. H, Part I.
(Ox£, 1873), pp. 103 sqq.
Scotland (Scotia) before the tenth century was comprised in
the general appellation of Britain (Britannia), as distinct from
Ireland (Hibernia). It was known to the Romans as Caledo-
nia/ to the Kelts as Alban; but the name of Scotia was exclu-
sively appropriated to Ireland till the tenth century. The inde-
pendent history of Scotland begins with the establishment of
the Scottish monarchy in the ninth century* At first it was a
purely Keltic kingdom; but in the course of time the Saxon
1 EiUeii, I. 226 sq,
* la Gaelic, Calyddom, land of forests, or, according to others, from
i«.Haid and wild.
62 FOUKTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
race and feudal institutions spread over the country, and the
Keltic tribes retreated to iihe mountains and western islands.
The names of Scot and Scotch passed over to the English-speak-
ing people and their language; while the Keltic language, for-
merly known as Scotch, became known as Irish.
The Keltic history of Scotland is full of fable, and a battle-
field of Romanists and Protestants, Episcopalians and Presby-
terians, who have claimed it for their respective systems of doc-
trine and church-polity. It must be disentangled from the
sectarian issues of the Culdean controversy. , The historian is
neither a polemic nor an apologist, and should aim at nothing
but the truth.
Tertullian says, that certain places in Britain which the Ro-
mans could not conquer were made subject to Christ. It is
quite likely that the first knowledge of Christianity reached the
Scots and Picts from England ; but the constant wars between
them and the Britons and the decline of the Roman power were
unfavorable to any mission work.
The mission of Palladius to Scotland by Pope Caelestius is as
vague and uncertain as his mission to Ireland by the same Pope,
and is strongly mixed up with the mission of Patrick. An Irish
colony from the North-Eastern part of Ulster, which had been
Christianized by Patrick, settled in Scotland towards the close
of the fifth century, and continued to spread along the coasts of
Argyle and as far as the islands of Mull and lona, until its
progress was checked by the Northern Picts.
The first distinct fact in the church history of Scotland is the
apostolate of ST. NINIAJST at the close of the fourth century,
during the reign of Theodosius in the East. We have little
reliable information of him. The son of a British king, he
devoted himself early to the ministry of Christ. He spent some
time in Rome, where the Pope commissioned him to the aposto-
late among the heathen in Caledonia, and in Gaul with Bishop
Martin of Tours, who deserves special praise for his protest
against the capital punishment of heretics in the case of the
? 17. THE COKVEKSION OF SCOTLAND. 63
Priscillianists. He began the evangelization of the Southern
Picts in the Eastern districts of modern Scotland. He built
a white stone church called "Candida Casa," at Whittern (Qu-
Mthern, Witerna) in Galloway, on the South-Western border
of Scotland by the sea side, and dedicated it to the memory of
St. Martin, who had died in that year (397).1 This was the
beginning of "the Great Monastery " ("Magnum Monasterium")
or monastery of Rosnat, which exerted a civilizing and human-
izing influence on the surrounding country, and annually at-
tracted pilgrims from England and Scotland to the shrine of
St. Ninian. His life has been romanized and embellished with
legends. He made a new-born infant indicate its true father,
and vindicate the innocence of a presbyter who had been charged
by the mother with the crime of violation; he caused leeks and
herbs to grow in the garden before their season; he subdued
with his staff the winds and the waves of the sea; and even his
relics cured the sick, cleansed the lepers, and terrified the wicked,
"by all which things," says Ailred, his biographer, "the faith
of believers is confirmed to the praise and glory of Christ."
ST. KENTIGKEKN (d. Nov. 13, 603), also called ST. MUNGO
(the gracious one),2 the first bishop of Glasgow, labored in the
sixth century for the conversion of the people in Cumberland,
Wales, and on the Clyde, and re-converted the Picts, who had
apostatized from the faith. He was the grandson of a heathen
king in Cumbria or Strathclyde, the son of a Christian, though
unbaptized mother. He founded a college of Culdees or secular
monks, and several churches. He wore a hair shirt and garment
of goat-skin, lived on bread and vegetables, slept on a rocky
couch and a stony pillow, like Jacob, rose in the night to sing
psalms, recited in the morning lihe whole psalter in a cold
stream, retired to desert places during Lent, living on roots,
was con-crucified with Christ on Good Friday, watched before
1 Oa Whittern and the Candida Gasa, see Nicholson, History of Qdkway, I
115; Forbes, S. Ninian and & Kentigern, 268, and Skene, II. 46.
1 In Wekh, Q^d^ means ^ See Skene, II. 183.
64 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590 TO 1049.
the tomb, and spent Easter in hilarity and joy. He converted
more by his silence than his speech, caused a wolf and a stag to
drag the plough, raised grain from a field sown with sand, kept
the rain from wetting his garments., and performed other marvels
which prove the faith or superstition of his biographers in the
twelfth century. Jocelyn relates also, that Kentigern went
seven times to Rome, and received sundry privileges and copies
of the Bible from the Pope. There is, however, no trace of
such visits in the works of Gregory I., who was more interested
in the Saxon mission than the Scotch. Kentigern first estab-
lished his episcopal chair in Holdelm (now Hoddam), afterwards
in Glasghu (Glasgow). He met St. Columba, and exchanged
with him his pastoral stave.1 He attained to the age of one
hundred and eighty-five years, and died between A.D. 601 and
612 (probably 603).a He is buried in the crypt of the cathedral
of St. Mungo in Glasgow, the best preserved of mediaeval cathe-
drals in Scotland.
ST. CUTHBERT (d. March 20, 687), whose life has been writ-
ten by Bede, prior of the famous monastery of Mailros (Mel-
rose), afterwards bishop of Lindisfarne, and last a hermit, is
another legendary saint of Scotland, and a number of churches
are traced to him or bear his name.8
§ 18. St. Colwmba and the Monastery of lona.
JOHN JAMIESON (D. D.) : An Historical Account of ike Ancient Culdees of
lonOf and of their Settlements in Scotland, England and Ireland.
Edinb., 1811 (p. 417).
MOOTAliBMBBBT: Le» Maine* d9 Occident, Vol. UL, pp. 99-332 (Paris,
1868).
The DUKE OP ARGYLL: lona. Second ed., London, 1871 (149 pp.).
*ADAMNAK: Life of St. Columba, Founder of Hy, ed. by William Reeves
(Canon of Armagh), Edinburgh, 1874 (Originally printed for the
Irish Archoeolog. Society and for the Bannatyne Club, Dublin, 1856).
1 The meeting of the two saints, as recorded by Jbcdyn, reminds one of the
meeting of St. Antony with the fabulous Paul of Thebes*
* See Forbes, Kcdvndan, p. 372, and Skene, II. 197.
' Forbes (p. 319) gives a list of 26.
2 18. ST. COLUMBA AND THE MONASTERY OF IONA. 65
* SKENE: Celtic Scotland, IL 52 sqq. (Edinb., 1877).
Comp. the Lit. in g 7.
SAINT COLUMBA or COLUMBCILLE (died June 9, 597) is the
real apostle of Scotland. He is better known to us than Ninian
and Kentigern. The account of Adamnan (624-704), the ninth
abbot of Hy, was written a century after Columba's death from
authentic records and oral traditions, although it is a panegyric
rather than a history. Later biographers have romanized him
like St. Patrick. He was descended from one of the reigning
families of Ireland and British Dalriada, and was born at Gar-
tan in the county of Donegal about A.D. 521. He received in
baptism the symbolical name Colum, or in Latin Oolumba (Dove,
as the symbol of the Holy Ghost), to which was afterwards
added cMe (or MJ), I e. "of the church/' or "the dove of the
cells," on account of his frequent attendance at public worship,
or, more probably, for his being the founder of many churches.1
He entered the monastic seminary of Clonard, founded by St.
Finnian, and afterwards another monastery near Dublin, and
was ordained a priest. He planted the church at Deny in 545,
the monastery of Durrow in 553, and other churches. He
seems to have fondly clung all his life to his native Ireland,
and to the convent of Deny. In one of his elegies, which were
probably retouched by the patriotism of some later Irish bard,
he sings :
" Were all the tributes of Scotia [t e. Ireland] mine,
From its midland to its borders,
I would give all for one little cell
In my beautiful Deny.
For its peace and for its purity,
For the white angels that go
In crowds from one end to the other,
I love my beautiful Deny.
1 In the Irish calendar there are twenty saints of the name Columba, or
Colwnbanus, Columbus, Columb. The most distinguished next to Columbcille
is Columbanus, the Continental missionary, who has often been confounded
with Columba. In the Continental hagiology, the name is used for female
saints. See Beeres, p. 248.
66 FOIJTBTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590 TO 1049.
For its quietness and purity,
For heaven's angels that come and go
Under every leaf of the oaks,
I love my beautiful Dcrry.
My Derry, my fair oak grove,
My dear little cell and dwelling,
O God, in the heavens above I
Let him who profanes it be cursed.
Beloved are Durrow and Dcrry,
Beloved is Ilaphoe the pure,
Beloved the fertile Drumhome,
Beloved are Sords and Kells !
But sweeter and fairer to me
The salt sea where the sea-gulls cry
When I come to Derry from far,
It is sweeter and dearer to me —
Sweeter to me."1
In 563, the forty-second year of his age, Columba, prompted
by a passion for travelling and a zeal for the spread of Chris-
tianity/ sailed with twelve fellow-apostles to the West of Scot-
land, possibly on invitation of the provincial king, to whom he
was related by blood. lie was presented with the island of
fly, commonly called Jom,3 near the Western coast of Scotland,
about fifty miles West from Oban. It is an inhospitable island,
three miles and a half long ami a mile and a half broad, partly
cultivated, partly covered with lull pasture, retired dells, morass
1 Montalembert, lit. 112. This poem strikes tho key-note of father Front's
more musical "Bells of Hhandon which sound so grand on the river Lee/'
a "Pro Chrutto peregrmwe wlnw," says Adamnan (p. 108), who knows nothing
of his excommunication and exile from Ireland in consequence of a great tat-
tle. And yet it is difficult to account for this tradition* In one of the Irish
Keltic poems ascribed to dolumbjv, he laments to have been driven from Erin
by his own fault and in consequence of the blood shed in his battles. See
Montalembert, III. 145.
8 This is not an adaptation to Columba's Hebrew name (Neander), but a
corruption of li-shona, i, G, the Holy Island (from E, the Keltic name for island,
and 7wna or shona, sacred). So Dr. Lindsay Alexander and Cunningham.
But Beeves (I c. Introd., p. caooc.) regards loua as the genuine form, which is
the feminine adjective of lou (to be pronounced like the English Tea). The
island has borne no fewer than thirty names.
§ 18. ST. COLUMBA AND THE MONASTERY OF IONA. 67
and rocks, now in possession of the Duke of Argyll, numbering
about three hundred Protestant inhabitants, an Established
Presbyterian Church, and a Free Church. The neighboring
island of Staffa, though smaller and uninhabited, is more inter-
esting to the ordinary tourist, and its Fingal's Cave is one of
the most wonderful specimens of the architectural skill of na-
ture; it looks like a Gothic cathedral, 66 feet high, 42 feet
broad, and 227 feet long, consisting of majestic basalt columns,
an arched roof, and an open portal towards the ocean, which
dashes in and out in a constant succession of waves, sounding
solemn anthems in this unique temple of nature. Columba
and his fellow-monks must have passed it on their missionary
wanderings; but they were too much taken up -with heaven to
look upon the wonders of the earth, and the cave remained
comparatively unknown to the world till 1772. Those islands
wore the same aspect in the sixth century as now, with the
exception of the woods, which have disappeared. Walter Scott
(in the "Lord of the Isles") has thrown the charm of his poetry
over the Hebridean archipelago, from which proceeded the
Christianization of Scotland.1
By the labors of Columba and his successors, lona has become
one of the most venerable and interesting spots in the history of
Christian missions. It was a light-house in the darkness of
heathenism. We can form no adequate conception of the self-
denying zeal of those heroic missionaries of the extreme North,
who, in a forbidding climate and exposed to robbers and wild
beasts, devoted their lives to the conversion of savages. Columba
and his friends left no monuments of stone and wood ; nothing
is shown but the spot on the South of the island where he landed,
1 "No two objects of interest/' says the Duke of Argyll (Two, p. 1) "could
be more absolutely dissimilar in kind than the two neighboring islands, Staffa
and lona: — lona dear to Christendom for more than a thouaand years ; — Staffa
known to the scientific and the curious only since the close of the last century.
Nothing but an accident of geography could unite their names. The number
of those who can thoroughly understand and enjoy them both is probably very
small."
68 FOUBTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
and the empty stone coffin where his body was laid together with
that of his servant; his bones were removed afterwards to Dun-
keld. The old convent was destroyed and the monks were
killed by the wild Danes and Norsemen in the tenth century. The
remaining ruins of lona — a cathedral, a chapel, a nunnery, a
graveyard with the tombstones of a number of Scottish and Nor-
wegian and Irish kings, and three remarkable carved crosses,
which were left of three hundred and sixty that (according to a
vague tradition) were thrown into the sea by the iconoclastic
zeal of the Reformation — are all of the Roman Catholic period
which succeeded the original Keltic Christianity, and which
lived on its fame. During the middle ages lona was a sort of
Jerusalem of the North, where pilgrims loved to worship, and
kings and noblemen desired to be buried. When the celebrated
Dr. Johnson, in his Tour to the Hebrides, approached lona, he
felt his piety grow warmer. No friend of missions can visit
that lonely spot, shrouded in almost perpetual fog, without
catching new inspiration and hope for the ultimate triumph of
the gospel over all obstacles.1
1 "Hither came holy men from Erin to take counsel with the Saint on the
troubles of clans and monasteries which were still dear to him. Hither came
also bad men Ted-handed from blood and sacrilege to make confession and do
penance at Columba's feet Hither, too, came chieftains to be blessed, and oven
kings to be ordained— for it is curious that on this lonely spot, so far distant
from the ancient centres of Christendom, took place the first recorded case of a
temporal sovereign seeking from a minister of the Church what appears to have
been very like formal consecration. Adamnan, as usual, connects his narrative
of this event, which took place in 547, with miraculous circumstances, and with
Divine direction to Columba, in his selection of Aldan, one of the early kings
of the Irish Dalriadic colony in Scotland.
"The fame of Columba's supernatural powers attracted many and strange visi-
tors to the shores on which we are now looking. Nor can we fail to remember,
rith the Eeilig Odhrainat our feet, how often the beautiml galleys of that
olden time came up the sound laden with the dead, — ' their dark freight a van-
ished life.' A grassy mound not far from the present landing-place is known as
the spot on which bodies were laid when they were first carried to the shore.
We know from the account of Columba's own burial that the custom waa to
wake the body with the singing of psalms during three days and nights before
laying it to its final rest It was then borne in solemn procession to the grave.
\ 18. ST. COLUMBA AND THE MONASTERY OF IOJSTA. 69
The arrival of Columba at lona was the beginning of the
Keltic church in Scotland. The island was at that time on the
confines of the Pictic and Scotic jurisdiction, and formed a con-
venient base for missionary labors among the Scots, who were
already Christian in name, but needed confirmation, and among
the Picte, who were still pagan, and had their name from paint-
ing their bodies and fighting naked. Columba directed his zeal
first to the Picts; he visited King Brude in his fortress, and
won his esteem and co-operation in planting Christianity among
his people. "He converted them by example as well as by
word" (Bede). He founded a large number of churches and
monasteries in Ireland and Scotland directly or through his dis-
ciples.1 He was involved in the wars so frequent in those days,
when even women were required to aid in battle, and he availed
himself of military force for the overthrow of paganism. He
used excommunication very freely, and once pursued a plunderer
with maledictions into the sea until the water reached to his
knees. But these rough usages did not interfere with the vene-
ration for his name. He was only a fair type of his countrymen.
"He had," says Montalembert, "the vagabond inclination, the
ardent, agitated, even quarrelsome character of the race." He
had the " perfervidum ingenium Scotorum" He was manly, tall
How many of such processions must have wound along the path that leads to
the Eeilig Odhrain! How many fleets of galleys must have ridden at anchor
on that hay below us, with all those expressive signs of mourning which belong
to ships, when kings and chiefs who had died in distant lands were carried
hither to be buried in this holy Isle! Prom Ireland, from Scotland, and from
distant Norway, there came, during many centuries, many royal funerals to its
shores. And at this day by far the most interesting remains upon the Island
are the curious and beautiful tomb-stones and crosses which lie in the Beilig
Odhrain. They belong, indeed, even the most ancient of them, to an aare
removed by many hundred years from Oolumba's time. But thev represent the
lasting reverence which his name has inspired during so manv generations and
the desire of a long succession of chiefs and warriors through the Middle Ages
and down almost to our own time, to be buried in the soil he trod." The Duke
of Aigyll, L &, pp, 95-98.
1 See a list of churches in Beeves, p. xHx.~bocL, and Forbes, Kdendar, etc*
p. 306, 307; comp. also Skene, II. 127 sqq.
70 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590 TO 1049.
and handsome, incessantly active, and had a sonorous and far-
reaching voice, rolling forth the Psalms of David, every syllable
distinctly uttered. He could discern the signs of the weather.
Adamnan ascribes to him an angelic countenance, a prophetic
fore-knowledge and miracles as great as those performed by
Christ, such as changing water into wine for the celebration of
the eucharist, when no wine could be obtained, changing bitter
fruit into sweet, drawing water from a rock, calming the storm
at sea; and curing many diseases. His biography, instead of
giving solid facts, teems with fabulous legends, which are told
with childlike credulity. O'DonnelFs biography goes still fur-
ther. Even the pastoral staff of Columba, left accidentally upon
the shore of lona, was transported across the sea by his prayers
to meet its disconsolate owner when he landed somewhere in
Ireland.1
Columba died beside the altar in the church while engaged in
his midnight devotions. Several poems are ascribed to him —
one in praise of the natural beauties of his chosen island, and a
monastic rule similar to that of St. Benedict; but the "regula, ao
prcecepta" of Columba, of which Wilfrid spoke at the synod of
Whitby, probably mean discipline or observance rather than a
written rule.*
The church establishment of Columba at lona belongs to the
second or monastic period of the Irish church, of which it
formed an integral part. It consisted of one hundred and fifty
persons under the monastic rule. At the head of it stood a
presbyter-abbot, who ruled over the whole province, and even
the bishops, although the episcopal function of ordination was
recognized.3 The monks were a family of brethren living in
fommon. They were divided into three classes: the seniors,
who attended to the religious services, instruction, ami the tran-
1 Montalembert's delineation of Columba's character assumes, apparently, the
truth of these biographies, and is more eloquent than true. See Skene, II. 145.
* On the reyida Columbwi, see Ebrard, 147 sqq.
»Bede,JT.J?.,IIL4; V.9.
J 18. ST. COLUMBA AND THE MONASTERY OF IONA. 71
scribing of the Scriptures; the middle-aged, who were the work-
ing brethren, devoted to agriculture, the tending of the cattle,
and domestic labor; and the youth, who were alumni under in-
struction. The dress consisted of a white tunica or under gar-
ment, and a Camilla or outer garment and hood made of wool.
Their food was bread, milk, eggs, fish, and on Sundays and fes-
tivals mutton or beef. The doctrinal views and ecclesiastical
customs as to the observance of Easter and the tonsure were the
same as among the Britons and the Irish in distinction from the
Eoman system introduced by Augustin among the Saxons.1
The monastery of lona, says Bede, held for a long time the
pre-eminence over the monasteries and churches of the Picts and
Northern Scots. Columba's successors, he adds, were distin-
guished for their continency, their love of God, and strict atten-
tion to their rules of discipline, although they followed " uncer-
tain cycles in their computation of the great festival (Easter),
because they were so far away from the rest of the world, and
had none to supply them with the synodical decrees on the pas-
chal observance; wherefore they only practised such works of
piety and chastity as they could learn from the prophetical,
evangelical, and apostolical writings. This manner of keeping
Easter continued among them for a hundred and fifty years, till
the year of our Lord's incarnation 715." f
Adamnan (d. 704), the ninth successor of Columba, in conse-
quence of a visit to the Saxons, conformed his observance of
Easter to the Koman Church; but his brethren refused to follow
him in this change. After his death, the community of lona
became divided on the Easter question, until the Columban
monks, who adhered to the old custom, were by royal command
expelled (715). With this expulsion terminates the primacy of
lona in the kingdom of the Picts.
The monastic church was broken up or subordinated to the
hierarchy of the secular clergy.
1 For a very fall account of the economy and constitution of lona, see Beeves,
Introduction to Life of Saint Cokm&o, pp. c.-cxxxiL ' H. K III. 4.
72 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D.590 TO 1049.
§ 19. The Culdees.
After the expulsion of the Columbau monks from the king-
dom of the Picts in the eighth century, the term Culdee or Cette
De, or Kaledei, first appears in history, and has given rise to
much controversy and untenable theories.1 It is of doubtful
origin, but probably means servants or worshippers of God.8 It
was applied to anchorites, who, in entire seclusion from society,
sought the perfection of sanctity. They succeeded the Columban
monks. They afterwards associated themselves into communi-
ties of hermits, and were finally brought under canonical rule
along with the secular clergy, until at length the name of Culdee
became almost synonymous with that of secular canon.
The term Culdee has been improperly applied to the whole
Keltic church, and a superior purity has been claimed for it.
There is no doubt that the Columban or the Keltic church of
Scotland, as well as the early Irish and the early British churches,
differed in many points from the mediaeval and modern church
of Rome, and represent a simpler and yet a very active mission-
ary type of Christianity.
The leading peculiarities of tibe ancient Keltic church, as di&-
tinct from the Roman, are:
1 To Adamnan and to Bede, the name was entirely unknown. Skene (II.
226) says: "In the whole range of ecclesiastical history there is nothing more
entirely destitute of authority than the application of this name to the Columban
monks of the sixth and seventh centuries, or more utterly baseless than the
fabric which has been raised upon that assumption." The most learned and
ingenious construction of an imaginary Protestant Culdee Church was furnished
by Ebrard and McLauchlan.
* The word OMte is variously derived from the Gaelic GMe De, servant of
God ; from the Keltic Ouil or CM, retreat, recess, and Gutidich, men of the recess
(Jamieson, McLauchlan, Cunningham); from the Irish Cfeife 2)e, the spouse of
God (Ebrard), or the servants of God (Beeves); from the Irinh CW&z> cowl, i.e.
the black monk; from the Latin Deicola, cultores Dei (CWwfei), worshippers of
God the Father, in distinction from CAritfieofo (CWec&rirf in Irish), or ordinary
Christians (Skene); from the Greek KeMefrcu, men of the colls (Goodall).
The earliest Latin form is Kdtdti. In Irish Keile as a siibsHntive means
«MIUS maritus, also senw. On the name, see Braun, JDe OwWew, Bonn, 1840,
McLauchlan, pp. 175 sq.; Ebrard, pp. 2 sq., and Skene, IL 238.
2 19. THE CULDEES. 73
1. Independence of the Pope. lona was its Rome, and the
Abbot of lona, and afterwards of Dunkeld, though a mere Pres-
byter, ruled all Scotland.
2. Monasticism ruling supreme, but mixed with secular life,
and not bound by vows of celibacy; while in the Roman church
the monastic system was subordinated to the hierarchy of the
secular clergy.
3. Bishops without dioceses and jurisdiction and succession.
4. Celebration of the time of Easter.
5. Form of the tonsure.
It has also been asserted, that the Kelts or Culdees were
opposed to auricular confession, the worship of saints and images,
purgatory, transubstantiation, the seven sacraments, and that for
this reason they were the forerunners of Protestantism.
But this inference is not warranted. Ignorance is one thing,
and rejection of an error from superior knowledge is quite ano-
ther thing. The difference is one of form rather than of spirit.
Owing to its distance and isolation from the Continent, the Keltic
church, while superior to the churches in Gaul and Italy — at
least during the sixth and seventh centuries — in missionary zeal
and success, was left behind them in other things, and adhered
to a previous stage of development in truth and error. But the
general character and tendency of both during that period were
essentially different from the genius of Protestant Christianity.
"We fincl among the Kelts the same or even greater love for mo-
nasticfcm and asceticism, the same superstitious belief in incredi-
ble miracles, the same veneration for relics (as the bones of
Columba and Aidan, which for centuries were carried from place
to place), the same scrupulous and narrow zeal for outward forms
and ceremonies (as the observance of the mere time of Easter, and
the mode of monastic tonsure), with the only difference that the
Keltic church adhered to an older and more defective calendar,
and to the semi-circular instead of the circular tonsure. There
is not the least evidence that the Keltic church had a higher
conception of Christian freedom, or of any positive distinctive
74 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
principle of Protestantism, such as the absolute supremacy of the
Bible in opposition to tradition, or justification by faith without
works, or the universal priesthood of all believers. l
Considering, then, that the peculiarities of the Keltic church
arose simply from its isolation of the main current of Christian
history, the ultimate triumph of Home, with all its incidental
evils, was upon the whole a progress in the onward direction.
Moreover, the Culdees degenerated into a state of indolence and
stagnation during the darkness of the ninth and tenth centuries,
and the Danish invasion, with its devastating and disorganizing
influences. We still find them in the eleventh century, and fre-
quently at war with the Roman clergy about landed property,
tithes and other matters of self-interest, but not on matters
of doctrine, or Christian life. The old Culdee convents of
St. Andrews, Dunkeld, Dunblane and Brechin were turned
into the bishop's chapter with the right of electing the bishop.
Married Culdees were gradually supplanted by Canons-Regu-
lar. They lingered longest in Brechin, but disappeared in
the thirteenth century. The decline of the Culdees was the
opportunity of Rome. The Saxon priests and monks, connected
with the more civilized countries, were very active and aggres-
sive, building cathedrals, monasteries, hospitals, and getting
possession of the land.
1 The Duke of Argyll, who is a Scotch Presbyterian, remarks (I c. p. 41) '
"It is vain to look, in the peculiarities of the Scoto-Irish Church, for the model
either of primitive practice, or of any particular system. As regards the theol-
ogy of Columba's time, although it was not what we now understand an Roman,
neither assuredly was it what we understand as Protestant. Moulalembert
boasts, and I think with truth, that in Columba's Life we have proof of the
practice of the auricular confession, of the invocation of saints, of confidence in
their protection, of belief in transubstantiation [?], of the practices of fasting
and of penance, of prayers for the dead, of the sign of the cross in familiar— and
it must be added— in most superstitious use. On the other hand there is no
symptom of the worship or 'cultus' of the Virgin, and not even an allusion to
such an idea as the universal bishopric of Borne, or to any special authority as
seated there."
5 20. EXTINCTION OF THE KELTIC CHURCH. 75
§ 20. Extinction of the Keltic Church, and Triumph of Home
under King David I.
The turning-point in the history of the Scotch church is the reign
of the devout Saxon queen St. Margaret, one of the best queens of
Scotland (1070-1093). She exerted unbounded influence over her
illiterate husband, Malcolm III., and her sons. She was very
benevolent, self-denying, well versed in the Scriptures, zealous
in reforming abuses, and given to excessive fasting, which under-
mined her constitution and hastened her death. " In St. Mar-
garet we have an embodiment of the spirit of her age. What
ostentatious humility, what almsgiving, what prayers! What
piety, had it only been freed from the taint of superstition ! The
Culdees were listless and lazy, while she was unwearied in doing
good. The Culdees met her in disputation, but, being ignorant,
they were foiled. Death could not contend with life. The
Indian disappears before the advance of the white man. The
Keltic Culdee disappeared before the footsteps of the Saxon
priest."1
The change was effected by the same policy as that of the
Norman kings towards Ireland. The church was placed upon
a territorial in the place of a tribal basis, and a parochial system
and a diocesan episcopacy was substituted for the old tribal
churches with their monastic jurisdiction and functional episco-
pacy. Moreover the great religious orders of the Roman Church
were introduced and founded great monasteries as centres of
counter- influence. And lastly, the Culdees were converted from
secular into regular canons and thus absorbed into the Roman
system. When Turgot was appointed bishop of St. Andrews,
A.D. 1107, "the whole rights of the Keledei over the whole
kingdom of Scotland passed to the bishopric of St. Andrews."
From the time of Queen Margaret a stream of Saxons and
Normans poured into Scotland, not as conquerors but as settlers,
and acquired rapidly, sometimes by royal grant, sometimes by
* Cunningham, Church Hist, of Scotland, p. 100.
76 FOUBTH PERIOD. A.D. 540 TO 1049.
marriage, the most fertile districts from the Tweed to the Pent-
land Firth. From these settlers almost every noble family of
Scotland traces its descent They brought with them English
civilization and religion.
The sons and successors of Margaret enriched the church by
magnificent endowments. Alexander I. founded the bishoprics
of Moray and Dunkeld. His younger brother, David L, the
sixth son of Malcolm III., who married Maud, a grand-niece of
William the Conqueror (1110) and ruled Scotland from 1124 to
1153, founded the bishoprics of Ross, Aberdeen, Caithness,
•and Brechin, and several monasteries and religious houses.
The nobility followed his example of liberality to the church
and the hierarchy so that in the course of a few centuries one
half of the national wealth passed into the hands of the clergy,
who were at the same time in possession of all the learning.
In the latter part of David's reign an active crusade com-
menced against iihe Culdee establishments from St. Andrews to
lona, until the very name gradually disappeared; the last men-
tion being of the year 1332, when the usual formula of their
exclusion in the election of a bishop was repeated.
" Thus the old Keltic Church came to an end, leaving no ves-
tiges behind it, save here and there the roofless walls of what
had been a church, and the numerous old burying-grounds to
the use of which the people still cling with tenacity, and where
occasionally an ancient Keltic cross tells of its former state. All
else has disappeared; and the only records we have of their his-
tory are the names of the saints by whom they were founded
preserved in old calendars, iihe fountains near the old churches
bearing their name, the village fairs of immemorial antiquity
held on their day, and here and there a few lay families holding
a small portion of land, as hereditary custodiers of the pastoral
staff, or other relic of the reputed founder of the church, with
Borne small remains of its jurisdiction/' *
1 Skene, XL 418.
IL THE CONVERSION OF FKANCE, GERMANY, ETC. 77
IL THE CONVERSION OF FRANCE, GERMANY, AND ADJACENT
COUNTRIES.
General Literature.
I. Germany before Christianity.
TACITUS: Germama (cap. 2, 9, 11, 27, 39-45) ; Annal. (XIII. 57); SUst
(IV. 64).
JAC. GBIMM: Deutsche Mythologie. Gottingen, 2nd ed. 1854, 2 vols.
A. F. OzANAM: Les Germains avant le christianisme. Par. 1847.
K. SIMBOCK: Deutsche Mytiiologie. Bonn, 2nd ed. 1864.
A. PLANCK: Die Goiter und der Gottesglaube der Deutschen. In " Jahrb.
far Deutsche ThcoL," 1866, No. 1.
II- The Christianization of Germany.
F. W. RETTBEBG: Kirckengeschiekte Deutschlands. Gottingen, 1846-48.
2 vols.
O. J. HEFELE (R. C.) : Geschichte der Einfuhrung des Christenthums im
sudwesfl. Deutechland. Tubingen 1837.
H. RUCFEBT : Culturgeschichte des deutschen Voltes in der Zeit des Ueber*
gangs aus dem Hddenthum. Leipz. 1853, 2 vols.
W. .KBAFFT: Eirchengeschichte der German. Volker. Berlin 1854
(fbrst vol.)
HlEMER (R. C-): Emfuhrung des Christenthums in Deutschen Landen.
Schaffhausen 1857 sqq. 4 vols.
COUNT I>E MONTALEMBEBT (R. C.) : The Monks of the West from St.
Benedict to St. Bernard. Edinb. and Lond. 1861 sqq. 7 vols.
L FBIEDMCH (R. O., since 1870 Old Cath.) : Kirchmgesohichte Deutsch-
lands. Regensb. 1866, 1869, 2 vols.
OHAKLES MERIVALE: Conversion of the West. The Cmtiriental Teutons.
London 1878. (Popular).
O. KOBBEB: Die Ausbreitung des Christenthums im sudlichen Baden.
Heidelb. 1878.
R. CBUEL: Geschichte der deutschen fredigt im Mittdalter. Detmold
1879. (Ohs. I. and IL)
§ 21. Arian Christianity among the Goths and other German Tribes.
JL Editions of the remains of the Gothic Bible Version of WTTLPILA: by
H. C. VON DEB GABELENZ and J. LOEBE, Leipz. 1836-46 ; MASS-
MANN, 1856-57 ; E. BEBNHABDT, 1875 (with the Greek text and
notes) ; and STAMM, 7th ed. 1878, and in fac-simile by UPPSTBOM,
1854-1868. See also UuPHnLaB Opera, and SCHAFF, Compan. to
Or. Test, p. 150.
ULPHIL.B Opera (Versio Bfolwrwm Gothica), in Migne's Patrolog., Tom.
XVIII. pp. 462-1559 (with a Gothic glossary).
XL G. WATTZ: Ueber das Leben und die Lehre des Ulfila. Hanover 1840.
78 FOUBTH PERIOD. A.B. 590 TO 1049.
W. BESSEL: Das Leben des Ulfilas und die Bekehrung der Gothen zuvn
Ctiristenthum. Gutting. 1860.
W. KRAFFT: L c. I. 213-32C ; and De Fontibm Ulfilce ArianismL 1860.
A. HELFPEBICH; Der west-gothiselie Arianismus und die spanische Ket*
zergeschichte. Berlin I860.
We now proceed to the conversion of the Continental Teutons,
especially those of France and Germany.
The first wholesale conversions of the Germanic or Teutonic
race to the Christian religion took place among the Goths in the
time when Arianism was at the height of power in the East
Roman empire. The chief agents were clerical and other cap-
tives of war whom the Goths in their raids carried with them
from the provinces of the Roman empire and whom they learned
to admire and love for their virtue and supposed miraculous
power. Constantine the Great entered into friendly relations
with them, and is reported by Eusebius and Socrates to have
subjected them to the cross of Christ. It is certain that some
ecclesiastical organization was effected at that time. Theophilus,
a bishop of the Goths, is mentioned among the fathers of the
council of Mcsea, 325.
The real apostle of the Goths is ULFILAS/ who was consecrated
bishop in 348 at Constantinople, and died there in 381, aged
seventy years. He invented the Gothic alphabet, and translated
the Bible into Gothic, but was an Arian, or rather a semi-Arian,
who regarded Christ as a secondary God and the Holy Spirit
merely as a sanctifying power.2
Arianism spread with great rapidity among the Visigoths,
Ostrogoths, Burgundians, and Vandals. This heretical form of
Christianity, however, was more a matter of accident than pref-
erence and conviction among the Germans, and soon gave way
to orthodoxy when they became acquainted with it. When
Alaric, the famous king of the Visigoths, captured Rome (410),
1 The usual spelling. Better : WuFfla, i. e. Wolflwn, IMe
2 In his testamentary creed, which he always held (semper tic credidi)t he con-
fesses faith "In God the Father and in his only begotten Son our Lord and God.
and in the Holy Spirit as wrtutem ittumiTiantem et scmctiflcantemj nte Dfwi nee
Dominwn, sed ministrum ChrM" Comp. Krafft, 1. c. 328 sqq.
I 21. AB1AN CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE GOTHS, ETC. 79
ne treated the city with marked leniency, which Augustin justly
traced to the influence of the Christian faith even in heretical
form. The Vandals, the rudest among the Teutonic tribes,
made an exception; they fiercely persecuted the orthodox Chris-
tians in North Africa (since 430) and desolated this once flou-
rishing field of the Catholic Church, the scene of the immortal
labors of St. Augustin. Their kingdom was destroyed under
Justinian (534), but the Catholic Church never rose from its
ruins, and the weak remnant was conquered by the sword of
Islam (670).
Chrysostom made a noble effort to convert the Eastern Goths
from Arianism to Catholicity, but his mission ceased after his
death (407).
The conversion of the Franks to Catholic Christianity and
various political circumstances led to the abandonment of Arian-
ism among the other Germanic tribe*. The Burgundians who
spread from the Rhine to the Rhone and Saone, embraced Cath-
olic Christianity in 517, and were incorporated into the French
kingdom in 534. The Suevi who spread from Eastern Germany
into France and Spain, embraced the Catholic faith in 550, The
Visigoths in Spain, through their king, Reccared the Catholic,
subscribed an orthodox creed at the third Council of Toledo, A.
D. 589, but the last of the Gothic kings, Roderic, was conquered
by the Saracens, breaking into Spain from Africa, in the bloody
battle of Xercs do la Frontera, A. D. 711.
The last stronghold of Arianism were the Longobards or
Lombards, who conquered Northern Italy (still called Lombardy)
and at first persecuted the Catholics. They were converted to
the orthodox faith by the wise influence of Pope Gregory I. (590-
616), and the Catholic queen Theodelinde (d. 625) whose hus-
band Agilulf (590-616) remained Arian, but allowed his son
Adelwald to be baptized and brought up in the Catholic Church.
An Arian reaction followed, but Catholicism triumphed under
Grimoald (662-671), and Liutprand (773-774). Towards the
close of the eighth century, Pepin and Charlemagne, in the interest
° FOURTH PEBIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
Upon her tomb in Kildare arose the inextinguishable flame
called "the Light of St. Bridget," which her nuns (like the
Vestal Virgins of Borne) kept
"Through long ages of darkness and storm" (Moore).
Six lives of her were published by Colgan in his Trias Thaw-
matorgus, and five by the Bollandists in the Ada Sanctorum.
Ori^cal Note on St. Patrick.
We have only one or two genuine documents from Patrick, both writ-
ten in semi-barbarous (early Irish) Latin, but breathing an humble, devout
and fervent missionary spirit without anything specifically Boman, viz.
his autobiographical Confession (in 25 chapters), written shortly before
his death (493?), and his Letter of remonstrance to Corotieus (or Ccrcdig),
a British chieftain (nominally Christian), probably of Cercdigion or
Cardigan, who had made a raid into Ireland, and sold sovenil of
Patrick's converts into slavery (10 chapters). The Confession, as con-
tained in the "Book of Armagh," is alleged to have been transcribed
before A. D. 807 from Patrick's original autograph, which was then
partly illegible. There are four other MSS. of the eleventh century,
with sundry additions towards the close, which seem to be independent
copies of the same original. See Haddan & Stubbs, note on p. 296.
The Epistle to Coroticus is much shorter, and not so generally accepted.
Both documents were first printed in 1656, then in 1668 in the Acta
Sanctorum^ also in Migne's Patrologfa (Vol. 53), in Miss Cusack's Life
of /Sfc. Patrick, in the work of Ebrard (I c. 482 sqq.), and in Haddan
& Stubbs, CouncUs (Vol. IL, P. IL, 296 sqq.)-
There is a difference of opinion about Patrick's nationality, whether ho
was of Scotch, or British, or French extraction. He begins his Confession. :
"I, Patrick, a sinner, the rudest and the least of all the foithful, and the
most contemptible with the multitude ( Ego Patricius, pcceator, rusticmi-
mu9 et minimw omnium fidelium et contemptibiliwmus apud plurimos, or,
according to another reading, contemptibilis sum apud pturimos), had for
my fether Calpornus (or Calphurnius), a deacon (diaconvm, or diaeonem),
-flie son of Potitus (al. Photius), a presbyter (filium quondam Pbtiti, pres-
byteri), who lived in the village of Bannavem (or Banaven) of Tabernia;
for he had a cottage in the neighborhood where I was captured. I was
then about sixteen years old; but I was ignorant of the true God, and
-was led away into captivity to Hibernia." Bannavem of Tabernia is
perhaps Banavie in Lochaber in Scotland (McLauchlan) ; other* fix the
g 22. CONVEESION OF CLOVIS AND THE FEAKKS. 81
leaving desolation behind them, but the Franks settled there
and changed Gaul into France, as the Anglo-Saxons changed
Britain into England. They conquered the Gallo-Eomans, cru-
elly spoiled and almost exterminated them in the North-Eastern
districts. Before they accepted the Christianity of the conquered
race, they learned their vices. " The greatest evil of barbarian
government/' says Henri Martin,1 " was perhaps the influence
of the greedy and corrupt Bomans who insinuated themselves
into the confidence of their new masters." To these degenerate
o
Christians Montalembert traces the arts of oppression and the
refinements of debauchery and perfidy which the heathen Ger-
mans added to their native brutality. " The barbarians derived
no advantage from their contact with the Roman world, depraved
as it was under the empire. They brought with them manly
virtues of which the conquered race had lost even the recollec-
tion ; but they borrowed, at the same time, abject and contagious
vices, of which the Germanic world had no conception. They
found Christianity there; but before they yielded to its benefi-
cent influence, they had time to plunge into all the baseness and
debauchery of a civilization corrupted long before it was van-
quished. The patriarchal system of government which charac-
terized the ancient Germans, in their relations with their children
and skves as well as with their chiefs, fell into ruin in contact
with that contagious depravity."2
The conversion of the Saliao. Franks took place under the lead
of their victorious king CHLOBWia or CJLOVIS (Ludovicus,
Louis), the son of Childeric and grandson of Merovig (hence
the name of Merovingians). He ruled from the year 481 to his
death in 511. With him begins the history not only of the French
empire, its government and laws, but also of the French nation,
its religion and moral habits. He married a Christian princess,
Ohlotilda, a daughter of the king of the Burgundians (493), and
allowed his child to be baptized. Before the critical battle at
1 Yol. I. p. 394, quoted by Montalembert.
9 Montalembert, VoL IL p. 230.
82 FOUETH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
Tolbiac1 near Cologne against the invasion of the Allemanni, he
prayed to Jesus Christ for aid after having first called upon his
own gods, and promised, in case of victory, to submit to baptism
together with his warriors. After the victory he was instructed
by Bishop Remigius of Rhcims. When he heard the story of
the crucifixion of Christ, he exclaimed : " Would I had been
there with my valiant Franks to avenge him I" On Christmas,
in the year 496, he descended before the cathedral of Rheims into
the baptismal basin, and three thousand of his warriors followed
him as into the joys of paradise. " When they arose from the
waters, as Christian disciples, one might have seen fourteen cen-
turies of empire rising with them; the whole array of chivalry,
the long series of the crusades, the deep philosophy of the schools,
in one word all the heroism, all the liberty, all the learning of
the later ages. A great nation was commencing its career in the
world — that nation was the Franks."2
But the change of religion had little or no effect on the charac-
ter of Clovis and his descendants, whose history is tarnished with
atrocious crimes. The Merovingians, half tigers, half lambs,
passed with astonishing rapidity from horrible massacres to pas-
sionate demonstrations of contrition, and from the confessional
back again to the excesses of their native cruelty. The crimes
of Clovis are honestly told by such saintly biographers as Gre-
gory of Tours and Hincmar, who feel no need of any excuse for
him in view of his services to religion. St. Remigius even
advised the war of conquest against the Visigoths, because they
were Arians.
"The Franks/' says a distinguished Catholic Frenchman,3
"were sad Christians. While they respected the freedom of the
Catholic faith, and made external profession of it, they violated
without scruple all its precepts, and at the same time the simplest
1 Tolbiacum, Zulpich. * Ozanam, Etudes Germoffviquea, H, 54.
* Montalembert, IL 235. Comp. also the graphic description of the Hero*
Yingian house in Dean MUman's Lot. Christ., Bk. HI., ch. 2 (Vol. L,
Am.ed.).
J 22. CONVEESION OF CLOVIS AND THE FKANKS. 83
laws of humanity. After having prostrated themselves before
the tomb of some holy martyr or confessor; after having distin-
guished themselves by the choice of an irreproachable bishop;
after having listened respectfully to the voice of a pontiff or
monk, we see them, sometimes in outbreaks of fury, sometimes
by cold-blooded cruelties, give full course to the evil instincts of
their savage nature. Their incredible perversity was most appa-
rent in the domestic tragedies, the fratricidal executions and
assassinations, of which Clovis gave the first example, and which
marked the history of his son and grandson with an ineffaceable
stain. Polygamy and perjury mingled in their daily life with a
semi-pagan superstition, and in reading these bloody biographies,
scarcely lightened by some transient gleams of faith or humility,
it is difficult to believe that, in embracing Christianity, they gave
up a single pagan vice or adopted a single Christian virtue.
" It was against this barbarity of the soul, far more alarming
than grossness and violence of manners, that the Church trium-
phantly struggled. From the midst of these frightful disorders,
of this double current of corruption and ferocity, the pure and
resplendent light of Christian sanctity was about to rise. But
the secular clergy, itself tainted by the general demoralization of
the two races, was not sufficient for this task. They needed the
powerful and soon preponderating assistance of the monastic
jurmy. It did not fail: the church and France owe to it the
decisive victory of Christian civilization over a race much more
difficult to subdue than the degenerate subjects of Eome or By-
zantium. While the Franks, coming from the North, completed
the subjugation of Gaul, the Benedictines were about to approach
from the South, and super-impose a pacific and beneficent domi-
nion upon the Germanic barbarian1 conquest. The junction and
union of tihese forces, so unequal in their civilizing power, were
destined to exercise a sovereign influence over the future of our
country."
Among tihese Benedictine monks, ST. MA.TJBTTS occupies the
most prominent place* He left Monte Casino before the death
84 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590 TO 1049.
of St. Benedict (about 540), with four companions, crossed the
Alps,1 founded Gknfeuil on the Loire, the first Benedictine mo-
nastery in France, and gave his name to that noble band of
scholars who, more than a thousand years after, enriched the
church with the best editions of the fathers and other works of
sacred learning.1 He had an interview with King Theodebert
(the grandson of Clovis), was treated with great reverence and
received from him a large donation of crown lands. Monastic
establishments soon multiplied and contributed greatly to the
civilization of France.8
§ 23. Columbanw and the Irish JIBssionaries on the Continent.
I. SOTTBCES.
The works of COLTTMBAJNTTS in PATRICK FLEMING'S Collectanea
sacra (Lovanii, 1667), and in MlGNE: Patrokg^ Tom. 87, pp. 1013-
1055. His life by JONAS in the Ada Sand. Ord. £med.t Tom. II.,
Sec. H, 2-26. (Also in Fleming's Coll.)
II. WO»KS.
LAOTGAN (B. K) : Eccles. Hist, of Ireland (1829), II. 263 sqq.
MONTALEMBEBT: Monks ofthe West, II. 397 sqfl.
PH. HEBER: Die vor&arolingischen Gfaitbenshelden am Skein, 1867.
LtJTOLF (B. 0.): Die Qlaubensboten der Schweiz vor St. Oallus. Luzern,
1871.
EBRARD: Die iroschotti&che Missions&ircke (1873), pp. 25-31; 284r-340.
KlLLEN: Ecclesiast. Hist, of Ireland (1875), 1. 41 sqq.
W. SMITH and H. WACE: Diet. Christ. Biography (1877), I 605-607.
G. HERTEL: Ueber des heil. Columba Leben und Wirben, besonders seme
KIosterregeL In the " Zeitschrift far hist. Theol.," 1875, p. 396;
and another article in Brieger's "Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengesch.,"
1879, p. 145.
While the Latin Benedictine monks worked their way up
from the South towards the heart of France, Keltic missionaries
carried their independent Christianitjr from the West to the
North of E^rance, the banks of the Rhine, Switzerland and Lorn-
1 The brotherhood of St. Manr was founded in 1618, and numbered such
scholars as Mabillon, Montfaucon, and Buinart,
1 The legendary history of monasticism under the Merovingians is well told
by Montalembert, II. 236-386.
2 23. COLUMBANUS AND THE 1EISH MISSIONAEIES 85
bardy; but they were counteracted by Eoman missionaries, who
at last secured the control over France and Germany as well as
over the British Isles.
ST. CoLUMBAETJS1 is the pioneer of the Irish missionaries to
the Continent. His life has been wrkten with great minuteness
by Jonas, a monk of his monastery at Bobbio. He was born in
Leinster, A.D. 543, in which year St. Benedict, his celebrated
monastic predecessor, died at Monte Casino, and was trained in
the monastery of Bangor, on the coast of Down, under the direc-
tion of St. Comgall. Filled with missionary zeal, he left his
native land with twelve companions, and crossed over the sea to
Gaul in 590,2 or in 585,8 several years before Augustin landed
in England. He found the country desolated by war; Christian
virtue and discipline were almost extinct. He travelled for
several years, preaching and giving an example of humility and
charity. He lived for whole weeks without other food than
herbs and wild berries. He liked best the solitude of the woods
and caves, where even the animals obeyed his voice and received
his caresses. In Burgundy he was kindly received by King
Gontran, one of the grandsons of Clovis; refused the offer of
wealth, and chose a quiet retreat in the Vosges mountains, first
in a ruined Eoman fort at Annegray, and afterwards at Luxeuil
(Luxovium). Here he established a celebrated monastery on the
confines of Burgundy and Austrasia. A similar institution he
founded at Fontaines. Several hundred disciples gathered
around him. Luxeuil became the monastic capital of Gaul, a
nursery of bishops and saints, and the mother of similar insti-
tutions.
1 Also called Columba the younger, to distinguish. him from the Scotch Co-
lumba. There is a second St. Columbanus, an abbot of St Trudo (St Troud)
in France, and a poet, who died about the middle of the ninth century.
3 The date assigned by Hertel, I c., and Meyer yon Knonau, in "AUg. Deutsche
3iograpbie>> IV. 424(1876).
8 The date according to the Bollandists and Smith's Diet, of Chr. Biogr.
Ebrard puts the emigration of Columbanus to Gaul in the year 594.
86 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
Columbanus drew up a monastic rule, which in all essential
points resembles the more famous rule of St. Benedict, but is
shorter and more severe. It divides the time of the monks be-
tween ascetic exercises and useful agricultural labor, and enjoins
absolute obedience on severe penalties. It was afterwards super-
seded by the Benedictine rule, which had the advantage of the
papal sanction and patronage.1
The life of Columbanus in France was embittered and his
authority weakened by his controversy with the French clergy
and the court of Burgundy. He adhered tenaciously to the
Irish usage of computing Easter, the Irish tonsure and costume-
Besides, his extreme severity of life was a standing rebuke of
the worldly priesthood and dissolute court. He was summoned
before a synod in 602 or 603, and defended himself in a letter
with great freedom and eloquence, and with a singular mixture
of humility and pride* He calls himself (like St. Patrick)
" Columbanus, a sinner/7 but speaks with an air of authority.
He pleads that he is not the originator of those ritual differences,
that he came to France, a poor stranger, for the cause of Christ,
and asks nothing but to be permitted to live in silence in the
depth of the forests near the 'bones of his seventeen brethren,
whom he had already seen die. "Ah! let us live with you in
this Gaul, where we now are, since we are destined to live with
each other in heaven, if we are found worthy to enter there."
The letter is mixed with rebukes of the bishops, calculations of
Easter and an array of Scripture quotations. At the same time
he wrote several letters to Pope Gregory L, one of which only
is preserved in the writings of Columbanus. There is no record
of the action of the Synod on this controversy, nor of any answer
of the Pope.
1 There is a considerable difference between his Reguk, Monastic®, in ten
chapters, and his Eegula Omobiolis Fratrum, me Liber de quotidianis Pcenitentwk
Jfemocftonim, in fifteen chapters. The latter is unreasonably rigorous, and im-
poses corporal punishments for the slightest offences, even speaking at table,
or coughing at chanting. Ebrard (L c., p. 148 sqq.) contends that the JRegufa
Ctenobialis, which is found only in two codices, is of later origin. Oomp. Her*
g 23. COLUMBANUS AND THE IEISH MISSIOSTABIES. 87
The conflict with the court of Burgundy is highly honorable
to Columbanus, and resulted in his banishment. He reproved
by word and writing the tyranny of queen Brunehild (or Brune-
hauld) and the profligacy of her grandson Theodoric (or Thierry
II.) ; he refused to bless his illegitimate children and even threat-
ened to excommunicate the young king. He could not be
silenced by flattery and gifts, and was first sent as a prisoner to
Besangon, and then expelled from the kingdom in 610.1
But this persecution extended his usefulness. We find him
next, with his Irish friends who accompanied him, on the lake
.of Zurich, then in Bregenz (Bregentium) on the lake of Con-
stance, planting the seeds of Christianity in those charming
regions of German Switzerland. His preaching was accompanied
by burning the heathen idols. Leaving his disciple St. Gall at
Bregenz, he crossed the Alps to Lombardy, and founded a famous
monastery at Bobbio. He manfully fought there the Arian
heresy, but in a letter to Boniface IV. he defended the cause of
Nestorius, as condemned by the Fifth General Council of 553,
and called upon the Pope to vindicate the church of Eome against
the charge of heresy. He speaks very boldly to the Pope, but
acknowledges Eome to be " the head of the churches of the whole
world, excepting only the singular prerogative of the place of
the Lord's resurrection " (Jerusalem).2 He died in Bobbio, Nov.
21, 615. The poetry of grateful love and superstitious faith has
adorned his simple life with various miracles.
Columbanus was a man of considerable learning for his age.
He seems to have had even some knowledge of Greek and He-
brew. His chief works are his Eegula Monastica, in ten short
chapters; seventeen Discourses; his Epistles to the Gallic Synod
on the paschal controversy, to Gregory I., and to Boniface IV.;
and a few poems. The following characteristic specimen of his
ascetic view of life is from one of the discourses: "O mortal
1 For a full account of this quarrel see Montalembert, II. 411 sqq.
9 " &oma orbis terrarum caput est ecdesiarum, sdva loci Dominica resurrectionis
nngulaari prcerogatwa."
88 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
life! how many hast thou deceived, seduced, and blinded ! Thou
fliest and art nothing; thou appearest and art but a shade; thou
risest and art but a vapor; thou fliest every day, and every day
thou comest; thou fliest in coming, and comest in flying, the
same at the point of departure, different at the end; sweet to the
foolish, bitter to the wise. , Those who love thee know thee not,
and those only know thee who despise thee. What art thou,
then, O human life? Thou art the way of mortals, and not their
life. Thou beginncst in sin and endcst in death. Thou art
then the way of life and not life itself. Thou art only a road,
and an unequal road, long for some, short for others; wide for
these, narrow for those; joyous for some, sad for others, but for
all equally rapid and without return. It is necessary, then, O
miserable human life! to fathom thee, to question thee, but not
to trust in thee. We must traverse thee without dwelling in
thee — no one dwells upon a great road; we but march over it,
to reach the country beyond." l
Several of the disciples of Columbanus labored in eastern Hel-
vetia and Khaetia.
SIGISBEBT separated from him at the foot of the St. Gtotihard,
crossed eastward over the Oberalp to the source of the Khine,
and laid the foundation of the monastery of Dissentis in the
Grisons, which lasts to this day.
ST. GAXL (Gallus), the most celebrated of tihe pupils of Co-
lumbanus, remained in Switzerland, and became the father of
the monastery and city called after him, on the banks of the
river Steinach. He declined the bishopric of Constanz. His
double struggle against the forces of nature and the gods of hea-
thenism has been embellished with marvelous traits by the legen-
dary poetry of the middle ages.* When he died, ninety-five
1 Montalembert, II. 436.
* See the anonymous Vita, 8. Qatti in Pertz, Monumenta, IL 123, and in the
Aeto, Sonet., Tom. VH. Octobiis. Also Greith, OesMkte for altirMen Kirche . .
ok EinlettungindieGe8ch.de8StiftaSt. Gotten (1857), the chapter on Gallus, pp.
333 sqq.
?24. GERMAN MISSIONARIES BEFORE BONIFACE. 89
years old, A.D. 640, the whole surrounding country of the
Allemanni was nominally christianized. The monastery of St.
Gall became one of the most celebrated schools of learning in
Switzerland and Germany, where Irish and other missionaries
learned German and prepared themselves for evangelistic work
in Switzerland and Southern Germany. There Notker Balbu-
lus, the abbot (died 912), gave a lasting impulse to sacred
poetry and music, as the inventor or chief promoter of the medie-
val Laudes or Pros&j among which the famous u Media vita in
morte sumus " still repeats in various tongues its solemn funeral
warning throughout Christendom.
FKIDOLD or FRIDOLIN, who probably came from Scotland,
preached the gospel to the Allemanni in South Germany. But
his life is involved in great obscurity, and assigned by some to
the time of Clovis I. (481-511), by others more probably to
that of Clovis II. (638-656).
KILIAN or KYLLIJSTA, of a noble Irish family, i* said to have
been the apostle of Franconia and the first bishop of Wurzburg
in the seventh century.
§ 24. German Missionaries before Boniface.
England derived its Anglo-Saxon population from Germany
in the fifth century, and in return gave to Germany in the
eighth century the Christian religion with a strong infusion of
popery. Germany afterwards shook off the yoke of popery, and
gave to England the Protestant Reformation. In the seventeenth
century, England produced Deism, which was the first act of
modern unbelief, and the forerunner of German Kationalism.
The revival of evangelical theology and religion which followed
in both countries, established new points of contact between
these cognate races, which meet again on common ground in the
Western hemisphere to commingle in the American nationality.
The conversion of Germany to Christianity and to Komanism
was, like that of England, the slow work of several centuries.
It -was accomplished by missionaries of different nationalities,
90 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
French, Scotch-Irish, English, and Greek. It began at the
close of the second century, when Irenaeus spoke of Christian
congregations in the two Germanies,1 i. e. Germania prima and
secunda, on the upper and lower Rhine; and it was substantially
completed in the age of Charlemagne in the eighth century.
But nearly the entire North-Eastern part of Germany, which was
inhabited mostly by Slavonic tribes, remained heathen till the
eleventh and thirteenth centuries*
We must distinguish especially three stages: 1) the prepara-
tory labors of Italian, French, and Scotch-Irish missionaries; 2)
the consolidating romanizing work of Boniface of England and
his successors; 3) the forcible military conversion of the Saxons
under Charlemagne. The fourth and last missionary stage, the
conversion of the Prussians and Slavonic races in JSTorth-Eastern
Germany, belongs to the next period.
The light of Christianity came to Germany first from the
Roman empire in the Roman colonies on the Rhine. At the
council of Aries in 314, there was a bishop Matemus of Cologne
with his deacon, Macrinus, and a bishop of Treves by the name
ofAgrocius.
In the fifth century the mysterious SEVBBINUS from the
East appeared among the savages on the banks of the Danube in
Bavaria as an angel of mercy, walking bare-footed in mid-winter,
redeeming prisoners of war, bringing food and clothing with the
comfort of the Gospel to the poor and unfortunate, and won by
his self-denying labors universal esteem. French monks and
hermits left traces of their work at St. Goar, St. Elig, Wul-
fech, and other places on the charming banks of the Rhine*
The efficient labors of COLTJMBAKTUS and his Irish companions
and pupils extended from the Vosges to South Germany and
Eastern Switzerland. WILLEBBORD, an Anglo-Saxon, brought
up in an Irish convent, left with twelve brethren for Holland
(690), became the Apostle of the Friesians, and was consecrated
1 alb rate Teppaviax Upvfrfvat tK&w'iai. Adv. Juer. 1. 10, 2.
g 24 GEEMAN MISSIONAEIES BEFORE BONIFACE. 91
by the Pope the first bishop of Utrecht (Trajectum), under the
name of Clemens. He developed an extensive activity of nearly
fifty years till his death (739).
When Boniface arrived in Germany he found nearly in all
parts which he visited, especially in Bavaria and Thuringia,
missionaries and bishops independent of Kome, and his object
was fully as much to romanize this earlier Christianity as to
convert the heathen. He transferred the conflict between the
Anglo-Saxon mission of Kome and the older Keltic Christianity
of Patrick and Columba and their successors from England to
German soil, and repeated the role of Augustin of Canterbury.
The old Easter controversy disappears after Columbanus, and
the chief objects of dispute were freedom from popery and cleri-
cal marriage. In both respects, Boniface succeeded, after a hard
struggle, in romanizing Germany.
The leaders of the opposition to Kome and to Bonifacius
among his predecessors and contemporaries were ADELBERT and
CLEMENS. We know them only from the letters of Boniface,
which represent them in a very unfavorable light. Adelbert,
or Aldebert (Eldebert), was a Gaul by nation, and perhaps
bishop of Soissons ; at all events he labored on the French side
of the Rhine, had received episcopal ordination, and enjoyed
great popularity from his preaching, being regarded as an apostle,
a patron, and a worker of mirades. According to Boniface, he
was a second Simon Magus, or immoral impostor, who deceived
the people by false miracles and relics, claimed equal rank with
the apostles, set up crosses and oratories in the fields, consecrated
buildings in his own name, led women astray, and boasted to
have relics better than those of Kome, and brought to him by
an angel from the ends of the earth. Clemens was a Scotchman
(Irishman), and labored in East Franconia. He opposed eccle-
siastical traditions and clerical celibacy, and had two sons. He
held marriage with a brother's widow to be valid, and had pecu-
liar views of divine predestination and Christ's descent into
Hades. Aldebert and Clemens were condemned without a
92 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
hearing, and excommunicated as heretics and seducers of the
people, by a provincial Synod of Soissons, A.D. 744, and
again in a Synod of Home, 745, by Pope Zacharias, who con-
firmed the decision of Boniface. Aldebert was at last imprisoned
in the monastery of Fulda, and killed by shepherds after
escaping from prison. Clemens disappeared.1
§ 25. Boniface, the Apostle of Germany.
L BONIFACIUS : Epistolce et Sermones, first ed. by Serrarius, Mogunt. 1605,
then by Wurdtwein, 1790, by Giles, 1842, and in Migne's Patrol Tom.
89, pp. 593-801 (together with Vite, etc.). JAFFE: Jfonumenfa Mo-
guntina. Berol. 1866.
II. Biographies of Boni&cius. The oldest by WILLIBALD, his pupil
and companion (in Pertz, Monum. II- 33, and in Migne, L c. p. 603) ;
by OTHLO, a German Benedictine monk of the eleventh cent, (in
Migne, p. 634) ; LETZNER (1602) ; LOFFLER (1812); SEITERS (1845);
Cox (1853); X P. DULLER (1870); HOPE (1872); Aw WEBSTER
Bonif acius und die Romanmrwig von Mittekuropa. Leipz., 1875 ;
PFAHLER(Eegenab. 1880) ; OTTO FISCHER (Leipz. 1881); EBRARD:
Bonif. der Zerstorer des columbanischen, Klrchenthums auf dem Fe$t-
lande (Gutersloh, 1882; against Fischer and very unjust to B.; see
against itZ5pFFELm the" TheoL Lit Zeitg/7 1882, No. 22). C£ the
respective sections in NEASTDER, GFRORER, KETTBEKG (II. 307
sqq.)
On the councils of Bonif. see HEFELE : Cbntiliengeschichtc, III* 458.
BONIFACE or WiNPRiED2 surpassed all his predecessors on
the German mission-field by the extent and result of his labors,
and acquired the name of the Apostle of Germany. He was
born about 680 from a noble family at Kirton in Wessex,
the last stronghold of paganism among the Anglo-Saxon king-
doms* He was brought up in the convent of Nutsal near Win-
chester, and ordained priest at the age of thirty. He felt it his
duty to christianize those countries from which his Anglo-Saxon
1 Camp, besides the Letters of Boniface, the works of Neander, Kettbei&
Ebraid, Werner and Fischer, quoted below.
a One that wins peace. His Latin name Bonifedus, Benefoctor, was probably
his monastic name, or given to him by the Pope on MB aeoond Tint to
225. BONIFACE, THE APOSTLE OF GERMANY. 93
forefathers had emigrated. It was a formidable task, requiring
a heroic courage and indomitable perseverance.
He sacrificed his splendid prospects at home, crossed the chan-
nel, and began his missionary career with two or three compa-
nions among the Friesians in the neighborhood of Utrecht in
Holland (715). His first attempt was a failure* Batbod, the
king of Friesland, was at war with Charles Martel, and devas-
tated the churches and monasteries which had been founded by
the Franks, and by Willibrord.
But far from being discouraged, he was only stimulated to
greater exertion. After a brief sojourn in England, where he
was offered the dignity of abbot of his convent, he left again his
native land, and this time forever. He made a pilgrimage to
Rome, was cordially welcomed by Pope Gregory II. and received
a general commission to christianize and romanize central Europe
(718). Kecrossing the Alps, he visited Bavaria and Thuringia,
which had been evangelized in part by the disciples of Oolumban,
but he was coldly received because he represented their Chris-
tianity as insufficient, and required submission to Borne. He
turned his steps again to Friesland where order had been restored,
and assisted Willibrord, archbishop of Utrecht^ for three years.
In 722 he returned to Thuringia in the wake of Charles MarteFs
victorious army and preached to the heathen in Hesse who lived
between the Franks and the Saxons, between the middle Rhine
and the Elbe. He founded a convent at Amanaburg (Amone-
burg) on the river Ohm.
In 723 he paid, on invitation, a second visit to Borne, and was
consecrated by Gregory II. as a missionary bishop without a dio-
cese (episcopus regionarius). He bound himself on the grave of
St. Peter with the most stringent oath of fealty to the Pope similar
to that which was imposed on the Italian or suburban bishops.1
1 The juramentum of Boniface, which he ever afterwards remembered and
observed with painful conscientiousness, deserves to be quoted in full, as it con-
tains his whole missionary policy (see Migne, I c., p. 809):
"In nvmne Domini Dei Sdvatoris nostri Jew ChrM, imperante domino LOOM
94 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
From this time his work assumed a more systematic character
in the closest contact with Rome as the centre of Christendom.
Fortified with letters of commendation, he attached himself for a
short time to the court of Charles Martel, who pushed his schemes
of conquest towards the Hessians. Aided by this secular help
and the Pope's spiritual authority, he made rapid progress. By
a master stroke of missionary policy he laid the axe to the root
of Teutonic heathenism; with his own hand, in the presence of
a vast assembly, he cut down the sacred and inviolable oak of*
the Thunder-God at Geismar (not far from Fritzlar), and built
with the planks an oratory or church of St. Peter. His biog-
rapher, Willibald, adds that a sudden storm from heaven came
to his aid and split ttie oak in four pieces of equal length. This
practical sermon was the death and burial of German mythology.
He received from time to time supplies of books, monks and
nuns from England. The whole church of England took a deep
Magno imperatore, anno 7 post consutotwn ejus, sed et Cowtantini Magni imperatoris
ejus Jttii anno 4, indictime 6. Promitto ego Bonifawu*, Dei gratia episcopus, tibij
keate Petre, apostoforum princeps, wcanbgue tuo beato Gregorio jpopce, et wccmo-
ribus ejust per Pafirem et Fttium, et Spiritum Sanctum, Trinitatem, inseparabikm, et
hoc socrafeimum corpus tuum, me omnem fid an et puritatem sanctce fidti catholicce
exMbere, et in unifate ejusdemfidei, Deo operantc, pcryistere in qua omnis Chwtian-
orum solus esse sine dubio comprobatur, nullo modo me contra, mftatcm communis et
atque conwrsuan, tiki et utttitatibus twB Ecclesice, cui a Domino Deo potwtas tigandi
solvendiqw data est, et prosdkto vicario tuo atque succcworibus ejus, per omnia eM>
b&re. Sed et si cognovero antistites contra imtitiUa (uitlqua sanctorum Patrum con-
v&rsarij cum eis nuUam Jwbere communionem ant <mjunctionwn ; sed magis, si
vduero prohibere, prohibeom ; siminw, hoc fiddiftr statim Domino meo a/po$tolico
renuntiabo. Quod si, quod absit, contra hujus prqfwsionis me® sericm diquidfacere
quolibet modo, seu ingenio, vd occasione, tentaioero, rem inventor in csfarno judicio,
vUionem Awmia et SapMrcs incurrom, gui wrbk drum de rebus proprm fraudem,
facere proBSumpsit : hoc autem indiculum saoramcnti ego Sonifaeius exiguus episco-
pus manu propria, scripsi, atgue ponens supra sawaiissvmwm corpus sancti Petn\ itfi
ut prcwcriptum, Deo teste et judice, fed sawamentwn, quod et conaewwe prwnjtto"
With all Ms devotion to the Boman See, Boniface waa manly and independent
enough to complain in a letter to Pope Zacharias of the scandalous heathen
practices in Rome which were reported by travellers and filled the German
Christians with prejudice and disobedience to Borne, See the letter in Migne,
I c. p. 746 sqq.
§25. BONIFACE, THE APOSTLE OF GERMANY. 95
interest in his work, as we learn from his correspondence. He
founded monastic colonies near Erfurt, Fritzlar, Ohrdruf, Bisch-
ofsheim, and Homburg. The victory of Charles Martel over the
Saracens at Tours (732) checked the westward progress of Islam
and insured the triumph of Christianity in central Europe.
Boniface was raised to the dignity of archbishop (without a
see) and papal legate by the new Pope Gregory III. (732), and
thus enabled to coerce the refractory bishops.
In 738 he made his third and last pilgrimage to Eome with a
great retinue of monks and converts, and received authority to
call a synod of bishops in Bavaria and Allemannia. On his return
he founded, in concert with Duke Odilo, four Bavarian bishop-
rics at Salzburg, Freising, Passau, and Ratisbon or Eegensburg
(739). To these he added in central Germany the sees of Wurz-
burg, Buraburg (near Fritzlar), Erfurt, Eichstadt (742). He
held several synods in Mainz and elsewhere for the organization
of the churches and the exercise of discipline. The number of
bis baptized converts till 739 is said to have amounted to many
thousands.
In 743 he was installed Archbishop of Mainz or Mayence
(Moguntum) in the place of bishop Gervillius (Gewielieb) who
was deposed for indulging in sporting propensities and for homi-
cide in battle. His diocese extended from Cologne to Strasburg
and even to Coire. He would have preferred Cologne, but the
clergy there feared his disciplinary severity. He aided the sons
of Charles Martel in reducing the Gallic clergy to obedience,
exterminating the Keltic element, and consolidating the union
with Rome.
In 744, in a council at Soissons, where twenty-three bishops
were present, his most energetic opponents were condemned.
In the same year, in the very heart of Germany, he laid the
foundation of Fulda, the greatest of his monasteries, which be-
came the Monte Casino of Germany.
In 753 he named Lull or Lullus his successor at Mainz.
Laying aside his dignities, he became once more an humble
96 FOURTH PEEIOD. A.B. 590-1049.
missionary, and returned with about fifty devoted followers to
the field of the baffled labors of his youth among the Friesians,
where a reaction in favor of heathenism had taken place since
the death of Willibrord. He planted his tents on the banks of
the river Borne near Dockmn (between Franecker and Gronin-
gen), waiting for a large number of converts to be confirmed.
But, instead of that, he was assailed and slain, with his compa-
nions., by armed pagans. He met the martyr's death with calm-
ness and resignation, June 5, 754 or 755. His bones were
deposited first at Utrecht, then at Mainz, and at last in Pulda.
Soon after his death, an English synod chose him, together with
Pope Gregory and Augustin, patron of the English church.
In 1875 Pope Pius IX. directed the Catholics of Germany and
England to invoke especially the aid of St. Boniface in the dis-
tress of modern times.
The works of Boniface are epistles and sermons. The former
refer to his missionary labors and policy, the latter exhibit his
theological views and practical piety. Fifteen short sermons
are preserved, addressed not to heathen, but to Christian con-
verts; they reveal therefore not so much his missionary as his
edifying activity. They are without Scripture text, and are
either festal discourses explaining the history of salvation, espe-
cially the fall and redemption of man, or catechetical expositions
of Christian doctrine and duty. We give as a characteristic
specimen of the latter, the fifteenth sermon, on the renunciation
of the devil in baptism:
SERMON XV.
"L Listen, my brethren, and consider well what you have solemnly
renounced in your baptism. You have renounced the devil and all his
works, and all his pomp. But what are the works of the devil? They
are pride, idolatry, envy, murder, calumny, lying, perjury, hatred, forni-
cation, adultery, every kind of lewdness, theft, false witness, robbery,
gluttony, drunkenness, slander, fight, malice, philters, incantations, lots,
belief in witches and were-wolves, abortion, disobedience to the Master,
amulets. These and other such evil things are the works of the devil,
all of which you have forsworn by your baptism, as the Apostle says:
2 25. BONIFACE, THE APOSTLE OF GERMANY. 97
Whosoever doeth such things deserves death, and shall not inherit the king-
dom of heaven. But as we believe that, hy the mercy of God, you will
renounce all these things, with heart and hand, in order to hecome fit for
grace, I admonish you, my dearest brethren, to remember what you have
promised Almighty God.
II. For, first, you have promised to believe in Almighty God, and in
his Son, Jesus Christ, and in the Holy Spirit, one almighty God in perfect
trinity.
III. And these are the commandments which you shall keep and fdl-
fil: to love God, whom you profess, with all your heart, all your soul,
and all your strength, and to love your neighbor as yourselves; for on
these commandments hang the whole law and the prophets. Be pa-
tient, have mercy, be benevolent, chaste, pure. Teach your sons to fear
God; teach your whole family to do so. Make peace where you go, and
let him who sits in court, give a just verdict and take no presents, for
presents make even a wise man blind.
IV. Keep the Sabbath and go to church— to pray, but not to prattle*
Give alms according to your power, for alms extinguish sins as water
does fire. Show hospitality to travelers, visit the sick, take care of
widows and orphans, pay your tithes to the church, and do to nobody
what you would not have done to yourselfc Fear God above alL Let
the servants be obedient to their masters, and the masters just to their
servants. Cling to the Lord's Prayer and the Creed, and communicate
them to your own children and to those whose baptismal sponsors you
are. Keep the feat, love what is right, stand up against the devil, and
partake from time to time of the Lord's Supper. Such are the works
which God commands you to do and fulfil.
V. Believe in the advent of Christ, the resurrection of the body,
and the judgment of all men. For then the impious shall be sepa*
rated from the just, the one for the everlasting fire, the others for the
eternal life. Then begins a life with God without death, a light without
shadows, a health without sickness, a plenty without hunger, a happiness
without fear, a joy with no misgivings. Then comes the eternal glory,
in which the just shall shine like suns, for no eye has ever seen, no ear
has ever heard, no heart has ever dreamed, of all that which God has
prepared for those whom he loves.
VI. I also remind you, my beloved brethren, that the birth-day of our
Lord is approaching, in order that you may abstain from all that is
worldly or lewd or impure or bad. Spit out all malice and hatred and
envy; it is poison to your heart. Keep chaste even with respect to your
own wives. Clothe yourselves with good works. Give alms to the poor who
belong to Christ; invite them often to your feasts. Keep peace with all,
and make peace between those who are at discord. If, with the aid of
Christ, you will truly fulfil these commands, then in this life you can
98 FOURTH PEEIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
with confidence approach the altar of God, and in the next you shall
partake of the everlasting bliss," l
Bonifacius combined the zeal and devotion of a missionary
with worldly prudence and a fare genius for organization and
administration. He was no profound scholar, but a practical
statesman and a strict disciplinarian. He was not a theologian,
but an ecclesiastic, and would have made a good Pope. He
selected the best situations for his bishoprics and monasteries,
and his far-sighted policy has been confirmed by history. He
was a man of unblemished character and untiring energy. He
was incessantly active, preaching, traveling, presiding over
Synods, deciding perplexing questions about heathcu customs
and trivial ceremonies. He wrought no miracles, such as were
usually expected from a missionary in those days. His disciple
and biographer apologizes for this defect, and appeals as an off-
set to the invisible cures of souls which he performed.2
The weak spot in his character is the bigotry and intolerance
which he displayed in his controversy with the independent
missionaries of the French and Scotch-Irish schools who had
done the pioneer work before him. He reaped the fruits of their
labors, and destroyed their further usefulness, which he might
have secured by a liberal Christian policy. He hated every
feature of individuality and national independence in matters of
the church. To him true Christianity was identical with
Romanism, and he made Germany as loyal to the Pope as was
his native England. He served under four Popes, Gregory II.,
Gregory III., Zacharias, and Stephen, and they could not have
had a more devoted and faithful agent. Those who labored with-
out papal authority were to him dangerous hirelings, thieves and
robbers who climbed up some other way. He denounced them
as false prophets, seducers of the people, idolaters and adulterers
1 In Migne, 1 c., p. 870. A German translation in Cruel, Qeachichte der
deutschen Predigt im Mitteldter (1879), p. 14.
4 Ofolo, VUa Bonif., c. 26 (Migne, I c. fol. 664).
i 25. BONIFACE, THE APOSTLE OP GEBMAKT. 99
(because they were married and defended clerical marriage).1 He
encountered from them a most determined opposition, especially
in Bavaria. In connection with his servile Romanism is his
pedantic legalism and ceremonialism. His epistles and sermons
show a considerable knowledge of the Bible, but also a contracted
legalistic spirit. He has much to say about matters of outward
conformity to Roman authority and usages and about small ques-
tions of casuistry such as whether it was right to eat horse flesh,
rabbits, storks, meat offered to idols, to many a widow after
standing god-father to her son, how often the sign of the cross
should be made in preaching. In his strength and his weak-
ness, his loyaliy to Rome, and in the importance of the work
he accomplished, he resembled Augustin, the Roman apostle of
his Anglo-Saxon ancestors.
Boniface succeeded by indomitable perseverance, and his work
survived him. This must be his vindication. In judging of
him we should remember that the controversy between Mm and
his French and Scotch-Irish opponents was not a controversy
between Catholicism and evangelical Protestantism (which was
not yet born), but between organized Catholicism or Romanism
and independent Catholicism. Mediaeval Christianity was very
weak, and required for its self-preservation a strong central power
and legal discipline. It is doubtful whether in the barbarous
condition of those times, and amid the commotions of almost
constant civil wars, the independent and scattered labors of the
anti-Roman missionaries could have survived as well and made
as strong an impression upon the German nation as a consoli-
dated Christianity with a common centre of unity and authority.
1 The description he gives of their immorality must be taken with considerable
deduction. In Ep. 49 to Pope Zacharias (A. D. 742) in Migne, I c., p. 745,
he speaks of deacons, priests and bishops hostile to Borne, as being guilty of
habitual drunkenness, concubinage, and even polygamy. I will only quote
what he says of the bishops : " JEfc iwemwrdur guidam inter eos episeopi, grit, licet
di&mt sefwmcarios vel adult&ros non esse, sed sunt ebriosi, et injwrwsi, vdvenatores,
et quipugrumtw, exerwto armati, et effundunt propria manu sangwnem fwmwwn,
rive pagcmorum, woe Christianorwn."
100 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
Roman unity was better than undisciplined independency, but it
was itself only a preparatory school for the self-governing free-
dom of manhood.
After Boniface had nearly completed his work, a political
revolution took place in France which gave it outward support.
Pepin, the major domus of the corrupt Merovingian dynasty,
overthrew it with the aid of Pope Zacharias, who for his conquest
of the troublesome Lombards rewarded him with the royal crown
of France (753). Fifty years afterwards this political alliance
of France and Germany with the Italian papacy was completed
by Charlemagne and Leo III., and lasted for many centuries.
Rome had the enchantment of distance, the prestige of power
and culture, and promised to furnish the strongest support to
new and weak churches. Rome was also the connecting link
between mediaeval and ancient civilization, and transmitted to
the barbarian races the treasures of classical literature which in
due time led to the revival of letters and to the Protestant Refor-
mation.
§ 26. The Pwpfk of Boniface.
WiOS>cM9 Gregory of Utrecht, Stwrm of FuMa.
Boniface left behind him a number of devoted disciples who
carried on his work.
Among these we mention St. WnxiBAJJD, flic first bishop of
Eichstadt. He was born about A JX 700 from a noble Anglo-Saxon
family and a near relative of Boniface. In his early manhood
he made a pilgrimage to Rome and to the Holy Land as far as
Damascus, spent several years among the Benedictines in Monte
Casino, met Boniface in Rome, joined him in Germany (A. D.
740) and became bishop of Eichstadt in Bavaria in 742. He
directed his attention chiefly to the founding of monasteries after
the Benedictine rule* He called to his side his brother Wunne-
bald, his sister Walpurgis, and other helpers from England. He
died July 7, 781 or 787. He is considered by some as the author
g 26. THE PUPILS OF BONIFACE. 101
of the biography of Boniface; but it was probably the work
of another Willibald, a presbyter of Mainz.
GREGORY, Abbot of Utrecht, was related to the royal house of
the Merovingians, educated at the court, converted in his fifteenth
year by a sermon of Boniface, And accompanied him on his jour-
neys. After the death of Boniface he superintended the mission
among the Friesians, but declined the episcopal dignity. In his old
age he became lame, and was carried by his pupils to wherever
his presence was desired. He died in 781, seventy-three years old.
STURM, the first Abbot of Fulda (710 to Dec. 17, 779), was of
a noble Bavarian family and educated by Boniface. With his
approval he passed with two companions through the dense beech
forests of Hesse in pursuit of a proper place for a monastery.
Singing psalms, he rode on an ass, cutting a way through the
thicket inhabited by wild beasts; at night after saying his
prayers and making the sign of the cross he slept on the bare
ground under the canopy of heaven till sunrise. He met no
human being except a troupe of heathen slaves who bathed in
the river Fulda, and afterwards a man with a horse who was
well acquainted with the country. He found at last a suitable
place, and took solemn possession of it in 744, after it was pre-
sented to him. for a monastery by Karloman at the request of
Boniface, who joined him there with a large number of monks,
and often resorted to this his favorite monastery. "In a vast
solitude," he wrote to Pope Zacharias in 751, " among the tribes
entrusted to my preaching, there is a place where I erected a
convent and peopled it with monks who live according to the
rule of St. Benedict in strict abstinence, without flesh and wine,
without intoxicating drink and slaves, earning their living with
their own hands. This spot I have rightfully secured from
pious men, especially from Karloman, the late prince of the
Franks, and dedicated to the Saviour. There I will occasionally
rest my weary limbs, and repose in death, continuing faithful to
the Roman Church and to the people to which I "was sent?"1
1 Condensed translation from Epist. 75 in Migne, fol. 778.
102 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
Fulda received special privileges from Pope Zacharias and his
successors,1 and became a centre of German Christianity and
civilization from which proceeded the clearing of the forests, the
cultivation of the soil, and the education of youths. The number
of Benedictine monks was increased by large re-enforcements
from Monte Casino, after an Italian journey of Sturm in 747.
The later years of his life were disturbed by a controversy with
Lullus of Mainz about the bones of Boniface after his martyrdom
(755) and by calumniations of three monks who brought upon
him the displeasure of King Pepin. He was, however, reinstated
in his dignity and received the remains of his beloved teacher
which repose in Fulda. Charlemagne employed him as mis-
sionary among the Saxons, His bones were deposited in the
convent church. Pope Innocent II. canonized him, A. IX
1139.2
§ 27. The Conversion of (he Saxons. Charlemagne and Alcuin*
The Hdiand, cmd the Gospd-Harmvny.
: Die Unterwerfimg der Sdchsen unter Karl dem Or. 1883.
A. SOHAUMANN": Gesehiekte des niedersdchs. Volfas. GStting. 1839.
BOTTOER: Die Einfuhrung des Christenthums in Sachsen. Hann. 1859.
W. GIESEBBECHT; Geschichte der deutschen Eaiserzeit, Vol. L (1863), pp.
110 sqq.
Of all the German tribes the fierce and warlike Saxons were
tihe last to accept the Christian religion. They differed in this
respect very much from their kinsmen who had invaded and
conquered England. But the means employed were also as
different: rude force in one case, moral suasion in the otiher.
The Saxons inhabited the districts of modern Hanover, Olden-
burg, Brunswick, and Westphalia, which were covered witiht dense
forests. They had driven the Franks beyond the Weser and the
Khine, and they were now driven back in turn by Charles Mar-
1 See "Fulda und seine Privilegien" in Jul. Harttung, Diplomatisch-hwtomche
Farsclamgen, Gotha, 1879, pp. 193 sqq.
9 The chief source is the Vita Sturmi by his pupil Eigil, abbot of Fulda, 818
to 822, in MabiUon, "Ada Sand. Ord. Bened." Saec. VEL Tom. 242-259.
§ 27. THE CONVERSION OF THE SAXONS. 10
tel, Pepin, and Charlemagne. They hated the foreign yoke o
the Franks, and far-off Rome; they hated the tithe which W£
imposed upon them for the support of the church. They looke
upon Christianity as the enemy of their wild liberty and ind(
pendence. The first efforts of Ewald, Suidbert, and other mis
sionaries were fruitless. Their conversion was at last brougt
about by the sword from political as well as religious motive
and was at first merely nominal, but resulted finally in a res
change under the silent influence of the moral forces of the Chris
tian religion.
Charlemagne, who became master of the French kingdom i
768, had the noble ambition to unite the German tribes in on
great empire and one religion in filial communion with Roim
but he mistook the means. He employed material force, believin
that people become Christians by water-baptism, though baptize
against their will. He thought that the Saxons, who were th
most dangerous enemies of his kingdom, must be either subdue
and christianized, or killed. He pursued the same policy tow
ards them as the squatter sovereigns would have the Unite<
States government pursue towards the wild Indians in the West
ern territories. Treaties were broken, and shocking crueltie
were committed on both sides, by the Saxons from revenge an<
for independence, by Christians for punishment in the name 01
religion and civilization. Prominent among these atrocities i
the massacre of four thousand five hundred captives at Verde
in one day. As soon as the French army was gone, the Saxon
destroyed the churches and murdered the priests, for which the;
were in torn put to death.
Their subjugation was a work of thirty-three years, from 77'
to 805. Widukind (Wittekind) and Albio (Abbio), the tw
most powerful Saxon chiefs, seeing the fruitlessness of the resist
ance, submitted to baptism in 785, with Charlemagne as sponsor,
1 « Jetet wr Sachsen, bextegt," says Giesebreclit (L c., p. 117), «wd mtt Eh*
geaetesn vwrden das aWsfcn^w tin^ <*w -Ko^Atm wgleteh, den Saehsen aufgt
drungen. M& Jbdeatfwfenwirde die Twfe enarmge^ die heidnisehen Gdrcwch
104 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
But the Saxons were not entirely defeated till 804, when 10,000
families were driven from house and home and scattered in other
provinces. Bloody laws prohibited the relapse into heathenism.
The spirit of national independence was defeated, but not entirely
crushed, and broke out seven centuries afterwards in another
form against the Babylonian tyranny of Borne under the lead of
the Saxon monk, Martin Luther.
The war of Charlemagne against the Saxons was the first omi-
nous example of a bloody crusade for the overthrow of heathenism
and the extension of the church. It was a radical departure from
the apostolic method, and diametrically opposed to the spirit of
the gospel. This was felt even in that age by the more enlight-
ened divines. Alcuin, who represents the English school of mis-
sionaries, and who expresses in his letters great respect and
admiration for Charlemagne, modestly protested, though without
effect, against this wholesale conversion by force, and asked him
rather to make peace with the "abominable " people of the Sax-
ons. He properly held that the heathen should first be instructed
before they are required to be baptized and to pay tithes ; that
water-baptism without faith was of no use; that baptism implies
three visible things, namely, the priest, the body, and the water,
and three invisible things, namely, iihe Spirit, the soul, and faith;
that the Holy Spirit regenerates the soul by faith; that faith is a
free act which cannot be enforced; that instruction, persuasion,
love and self-denial are the only proper means for converting the
heathen.1
bedrokt; jede Verktzung eines chnsdichen Priesters wurde, we der Aufruhr gegen
den Koniy und dear Ungehorsam gegen seine HefeJde, m einem todeswurdigen Ver-
trechen, gestempdt"
1 Neander III. 152 sqq. (Germ. ed. ; Torrey's transL IIL 76). It seems to me^
from looking over Alcuin's numerous epistles to the emperor, he might have used
his influence much more freely with his pupil. Merivale says (p. 131) ; "Alcuin
of York, exerted his influence upon those Northern missions from the centre of
France, in which he had planted himself. The purity and simplicity of the
English school of teachers contrasted favorably with the worldly character of
the FranMsh priesthood, and Charlemagne himself was impressed with the
importance of intrusting the establishment of the Church throughout his North*
2 27. THE CONVERSION OF THE SAXONS. 105
Charlemagne relaxed somewhat the severity of his laws or
capitularies after the year 797. He founded eight bishoprics
among the Saxons: Osnabnick, Miinster, Minden, Paderborn,
Verden, Bremen, Hildesheim, and Halberstadt. From these
bishoprics and the parochial churches grouped around them, and
from monasteries such as Fulda, proceeded those higher and
nobler influences which acted on the mind and heart
The first monument of real Christianity among the Saxons is
the "Heliand" (Heiland, i. e., Healer, Saviour) or a harmony
of the Gospels. It is a religious epos strongly resembling the
older work of the Anglo-Saxon Csedmon on the Passion and
Resurrection. From this it no doubt derived its inspiration.
For since Bonifacius there was a lively intercourse between the
church of England and the church in Germany, and the language
of the two countries was at that time essentially the same. In
both works Christ appears as the youthful hero of the human
race, the divine conqueror of the world and the devil, and the
Christians as his faithful knights and warriors. The Heliand
was composed in the ninth century by one or more poets whose
language points to Westphalia as their home. The doctrine is
free from the worship of saints, the glorification of Peter, and
from ascetic excesses, but mixed somewhat with mythological
era conquests to these foreigners rather than to his own subjects. He appointed
the Anglo-Saxon "Willibrord to preside over the district of Estphalia, and Liud-
ger, a Friesian by birth, but an Englishman by his training at York, to organize
the church in Westphalia; while he left to the earlier foundation of Fulda,
which had also received its first Christian traditions from the English Boniface
and his pupil Sturm, the charge of Engern or Angara. From the teaching of
these strangers there sprang up a crop of Saxon priests and missionaries; from
among the youths of noble family whom the conqueror had carried off from
their homes as hostages, many were selected to be trained in the monasteries for
the life of monks and preachers. Eventually the Abbey of Corbie, near Ami-
ens, was founded by one of the Saxon converts, and became an important centre
of Christian teaching. From hence sprang the daughter-foundation of the New
Corbie, or Corby, on the banks of the Weser, in the diocese of Paderborn. This
abbey received its charter from Louis le Debonnaire in 823, and became no less
important an institution for the propagation of the faith in the north of Ger-
many, than Fulda still continued to be in the centre, and St. Gall in the South.'7
106 FOUETH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
reminiscences. Vilniar calls it the only real Christian epos, and
a wonderful creation of the German genius.1
A little later (about 870) Otfried, a Franconian, educated at
Fulda and St. Gall, produced another poetic harmony of the
Gospels, which is one of the chief monuments of old high Ger-
man literature. It is a life of Christ from his birth to the ascen-
sion, and ends with a description of the judgment. It consists
of fifteen thousand rhymed lines in strophes of four lines.
Thus the victory of Christianity in Germany as well as in
England, was the beginning of poetry and literature, and of true
civilization.
The Christianization of North-Eastern Germany, among the
Slavonic races, along the Baltic shores in Prussia, Livonia, and
Courland, went on in the next period, chiefly through Bishop
Otto of Bamberg, the apostle of Pomerania, and the Knights of
the Teutonic order, and was completed in the twelfth and thir-
teenth centuries*
in. THE CONVEBSION OF SCANDINAVIA.
General Literature.
I. Scandinavia before Christianity.
The EDDAS, edit. Mask (Copenhagen, 1818); A. Munch (Christiania,
1847); Mobiua (Leipzig, 1860).
KT. M. PETEBSEN: Danmarfo Htetorie i Sedenold. Copenhagen, 1834-87,
3 vols.; Den Nordis&e Mythokgie, Copenhagen, 1889.
N. F. S. GBUNDTVTO: Nordens Mythologie. Copenhagen, 1839.
B. THOKPE: Northern Mythology. London, 1852, 3 vols.
RASMUS B. ANDERSON: Norse Mythology; Myths of the JEdda* systematized
and interpreted. Chicago, 1875.
IE. The Christianization of Scandinavia.
CLAUDIUS (Extra JALM: Hi&toria Sueonum Gothorumyue JScclesfo. Stock-
holm, 1689, 4 vols.
E. POOTOPPIDABT: Annettes EccM® 2><mic&, Copenhagen, 1741.
F. MASTER: Zirchengeschichte von Danemarfc w& Norwtgen. Copen-
hagen and Leipzig, 1823-33, 3 vols.
lSeeEd.Sievew,J2«ZMm<2. Halle, 1878.
3 28. SCANDINAVIAN HEATHENISM. 107
H. KEUTEKDAHL: Svenska kyrkans hisforia. Lund, 1833, 3 vols., first
volume translated into German by E. T. Mayerhof, under the title:
Leben Ansgars.
FRED. HELWEG: Den Danske Kirkes Histone. Copenhagen, 1862.
A. JORGEJSBEBT: Den nordiske Kirkes Grundlceggelse. Copenhagen, 1874.
NEANDER: Geschichte der christlichen Kirche, Vol. IV., pp. 1-150.
§ 28. Scandinavian Heathenism.
WHEATODST : History of the Northmen. London, 1831.
DEPPING: Histoire des expeditions maritimes des Normands. Paris, 1843.
2 vols.
F. WOKSAAE: Account of the Danes in England, Ireland, and j&otland.
London, 1852; The Danish Conquest of England and Normandy.
London, 1863. These works are translated from the Danish.
Scandinavia was inhabited by one of the wildest and fiercest,
but also one of the strongest and most valiant branches of the
Teutonic race, a people of robbers which grew into a people of
conquerors. Speaking the same language — that which is still
spoken in Iceland — and worshipping the same gods, they were
split into a number of small kingdoms covering the present
Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. Every spring, when the ice
broke in the fjords, they launched their boats or skiffs, and
swept, each swarm under the leadership of its own king, down
upon the coasts of the neighboring countries. By the rivers
they penetrated far into the countries, burning and destroying
what they could not carry away with them. When autumn
came, they returned home, loaded with spoil, and they spent the
winter round the open hearth, devouring their prey. But in
course of time, the swarms congregated and formed large armies,
and the robber-campaigns became organized expeditions for
conquest; kingdoms were founded in Russia, England, Usance,
and Sicily. In their new homes, however, the Northern vikings
soon forgot both their native language and their old gods, and
became the strong bearers of new departures of civilization and
the valiant knights of CSbristianity.
In the Scandinavian mythology, there were not a few ideas
108 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
which the Christian missionary could use as connecting links.
It was not absolutely necessary for him to begin with a mere
negation; here, too, there was an " unknown God/' and many
traits indicate that, during the eighth and ninth centuries, people
throughout Scandinavia became more and more anxious to hear
something about him. AVhen a man died, he went to Walhall,
if he had been brave, and to Niflheim, if he had been a coward.
In Walhail he lived together with the gods, in great brightness
and joy, fighting all the day, feasting all the night. In Niflheim
he sat alone, a shadow, surrounded with everything disgusting
and degrading. But Walhall and Niflheim were not to hist
forever. A deep darkness, Ragnarokr, shall fall over the uni-
verse; Walhail and Niflheim shall be destroyed by fire; the
gods, the heroes, the shadows, shall perish. Then a new heaven
and a new earth shall be created by the All-Father, and he shall
judge men not according as they have been brave or cowardly, but
according as they have been good or baxl. From the Eddas them-
selves, it appears that, throughout Scandinavian heathendom,
there now and then arose characters who, though they would
not cease to be brave, longed to be good. The representative of
this goodness, this dim fore-shadowing of the Christian idea of
holiness, was Baldur, the young god standing on the rainbow
and watching the worlds, and he was also the link which held
together the whole chain of the Walhail gods; when he died,
Bagnarokr came.
A transition from the myth of Baldur to the gospel of Christ
cannot have been very diiucult to the Scandinavian imagination;
and, indeed, it is apparent that the first ideas which the Scandi-
navian heathens formed of the "White Christ" were influenced
by their ideas of Baldur. It is a question, however, not yet set-
tled, whether certain parts of the Scandinavian mythology, as,
for instance, the above myths of Kagnarokr and Baldur, are
not a reflex of Christian ideas; and it is quite probable that
when the Scandinavians in the ninth century began to look
at Christ under the image of Baldur, they had long before
\ 28. SCANDINAVIAN HEATHENISM. 109
unconsciously remodeled their idea of Baldur after the image of
Christ.
Another point, of considerable importance to the Christian
missionary, was that, in Scandinavian heathendom, he had no
priesthood to encounter. Scandinavian paganism never became
an institution. There were temples, or at least altars, at Leire,
near Koeskilde, in Denmark; at Sigtuna, near Upsall, in Swe-
den, and at Moere, near Drontheim, in Norway; and huge sacri-
fices of ninety-nine horses, ninety-nine cocks, and ninety-nine
slaves were offered up there every Juul-time. But every man
was his own priest. At the time when Christianity first appeared
in Scandinavia, the old religion was evidently losing its hold on
the individuals, and for the very reason, that it had never suc-
ceeded in laying hold on the nation. People continued to swear
by the gods, and drink in their honor; but they ceased to pray
to them. They continued to sacrifice before taking the field or
after the victory, and to make the sign of the cross, meaning
Thor's hammer, over a child when it was named; but there
was really nothing in their life, national or individual, public or
private, which demanded religious consecration. As, on the one
side, characters developed which actually went beyond the estab-
lished religion, longing for something higher and deeper, it was,
on the other side, still more frequent to meet with characters
which passed by the established religion with utter indifference,
believing in nothing but their own strength.
The principal obstacle which Christianity had to encounter in
Scandinavia was moral rather than religious. In his passions,
the old Scandinavian was sometimes worse than a beast. Glut-
tony and drunkenness he considered as accomplishments. But
he was chaste. A dishonored woman was very seldom heard of,
adultery never. In his energy, he was sometimes fiercer than a
demon. He destroyed for the sake of destruction, and there
were no indignities or cruelties which he would not inflict upon
a vanquished enemy. But for his friend, his king, his wife, his
child, lie would sacrifice everything, even life itself; and he
110 FOUETH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
would do it without a doubt, without a pang, iri pure and noble
enthusiasm. Such, however, as his morals were, they had abso-
lute sway over him. The gods he could forget, but not his
duties. The evil one, among gods and men, was he who saw
the duty, but stole away from it. The highest spiritual power
among the old Scandinavians, their only enthusnism, was their
feeling of duty; but the direction which had been given to this
feeling was so absolutely opposed to that pointed out by the
Christian morality, that no reconciliation was possible. Revenge
was the noblest sentiment and passion of man; forgiveness was
a sin. The battle-field reeking with blood and fire was the
highest beauty the earth could show; patient and peaceful labor
was an abomination. It was quite natural, therefore, that the
actual conflict between Christianity and Scandinavian paganism
should take place in the field of morals. The pagans slew the
missionaries, and burnt their schools and churches, not because
they preached new gods, but because they "corrupted the morals
of the people " (by averting them from their warlike pursuits),
and when, after a contest of more than a century, it became
apparent that Christianity would be victorious, the pagan heroes
left the country in great swarms, as if they were flying from
some awful plague. The first and hardest work which Chris-
tianity had to do in Scandinavia was generally humanitarian
rather than specifically religious.
§ 29. The Christianization of Denmark. St. Awgar.
ANSGARITTS: Pigmenta, ed. Lappenberg. Hamburg, 1844. Vita Wtte-
hadi, in Perte : Monwnenta II. ; and in Migne : Patrol. Tom. 118, pp.
1014-1051.
BIMBEBTXTS: Vtto> Ansgwii, in Pertz; Monumenta IL, and in Migne, L c+
pp. 961-1011.
ADAMUS BREMENSIS (d. 1076) : Oesta Hamenburgewis Eccl Pontificum
(embracing the history of the archbishopric of Hamburg, of Scandi-
navia, Denmark, and Northwestern Germany, from 788-1072);
reprinted in P&rtz:* Monumenta, VII.; separate edition
berg. Hanover, 1846.
LAUBENT: Ltben der Erzb. Ansgar und Rimbert. 1856.
A. TAPPEHORN: Leben d. h. Ansgar. 1863.
2 29. THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF DENMAKK. Ill
G. DEHIO: Geschickte d. Erzb. ITamburg-jBremen. 1877.
H. N. A. JENSEN: ficktesmg-JTolsteinische JZirchengeschichte, edit. A. L.
J. Michelsen (1879).
During the sixth and seventh centuries the Danes first came
in contact with Christianity, partly through their commercial
intercourse with Duerstede in Holland, partly through their per-
petual raids on Ireland; and tales of the "White Christ " were
frequently told among them, though probably with no other
effect than that of wonder. The first Christian missionary who
visited them and worked among them was Willebrord. Born
in Northumbria and educated within the pale of the Keltic
Bark he went out, in 690, as a missionary to the Frises. Expel-
leJ by them he came, about 700, to Denmark, was well received
by king Yngrin (Ogendus), formed a congregation and bought
thirty Danish boys, whom he educated in the Christian religion,
and of whom one, Sigwald, is still remembered as the patron
saint of Nuremberg, St. Sebaldus. But his work seems to have
been of merely temporary effect.
Soon, however, the tremendous activity which Charlemagne
developed as a political organizer, was felt even on the Danish
frontier. His realm touched the Eyder. Political relations
sprang up between the Roman empire and Denmark, and they
opened a freer and broader entrance to the Christian missionaries.
In JEssehoe, in Holstein, Charlemagne built a chapel for the use
of the garrison ; in Hamburg he settled Heridock as the head of
a Christian congregation; and from a passage in one of Alcuin's
letters1 it appears that a conversion of the Danes did not lie alto-
gether outside of his plans. Under his successor, Lewis the
Pious, Harald Klak, one of the many petty kings among whom
Denmark was then divided, sought the emperor's support and
decision in a family feud, and Lewis sent archbishop Ebo of
Kheims, celebrated both as a political negotiator and as a zeal-
ous missionary, to Denmark. In 822 Ebo crossed the Eyder,
in Monwmenta Akwinicma, Ed. Jaffe.
112 FOURTH PEB1OD. A. D. 590-1049*
accompanied by bishop Halitgar of Cambray. In the following
years he made several journeys to Denmark, preached, baptized,
and established a station of the Danish mission at Cella Wellana,
the present Welnau, near Esschoe. But he was too much occu-
pied with the internal aflairs of the empire and the opportunity
which now opened for the Danish mission, demanded the whole
and undivided energy of a great man. In 826 I larald Klak was
expelled and sought refuge with the emperor, JEbo acting as a
mediator. At Ingelheim, near Mcnte, the king, the queen, their
son and their whole retinue, were solemnly baptized, and when
Harald shortly after returned to Denmark with support from
the emperor, he was accompanied by that man who was destined
to become the Apostle of the North, Ansgar.
ANSGAB was born about 800 (according to general acceptation
Sept. 9, 801) in the diocese of Amiens, of Frankish parents, and
educated in the abbey of Corbie, under the guidance of Adalhard.
Paschasius Badbertus was among his teachers. In 822 a mis-
sionary colony was planted by Corbie in Westphalia, and the
German monastery of Corwey or New Corwey waa founded.
Hither Ansgar was removed, as teacher in the new school, and
he soon acquired great fame both on account of his powers as a
preacher and on account of his ardent piety. When still a
boy he had holy visions, and was deeply impressed with the
vanity of all earthly greatness. The crown of the martyr seemed
to him the highest grace which human life could attain, and he
ardently prayed that it might be given to him. The proposition
to follow king Harald as a missionary among the heathen Danes
he immediately accepted, in spite of the remonstrances of his
friends, and accompanied by Autbert he repaired, in 827, to
Denmark, where he immediately established a missionary station
at Hedeby, in the province of Schleswig. The task was difficult,
but the beginning was not without success. Twelve young boys
were bought to be educated as teachers, and not a few people were
converted and baptized. His kindness to the poor, the sick, to
all who were in distress, attracted attention; his fervor as a
2 29. THE CHEISTIANIZATION OF DEtfMABK. 113
preacher and teacher produced sympathy without, as yet, pro-
voking resistance. But in 829 king Harald was again expelled
and retired to Riustri, a possession on the mouth of the Weser,
which the emperor had given to himt as a fief. Ansgar was com-
pelled to follow him and the prospects of the Danish mission
became very dark, the more so as Autbert had to give up any
further participation in the work on account of ill health, and
return to New Corwey. At this time an invitation from the
Swedish king, Bjorn, gave Ansgar an opportunity to visit Swe-
den, and he stayed there till 831, when the establishment of an
episcopal see at Hamburg, determined upon by the diet of AIx-
le-chapelle in 831, promised to give the Danish mission a new
impulse. All Scandinavia was laid under the new see, and Ana-
gar was consecrated its first bishop by bishop Drago of Metz, a
brother of the emperor, with the solemn assistance of three arch-
bishops, Ebo of Eheims, Hetti of Treves and Obgar of Mentz.
A bull of Gregory IV.1 confirmed the whole arrangement, and
Ansgar received personally the pallium from the hands of the
Pope. In 834 the emperor endowed the see with the rich mon-
astery of Thorout, in West Flanders, south of Bruges, and the
work of the Danish mission could now be pushed with vigor.
Enabled to treat with the petty kings of Denmark on terms of
equality, and possessed of means to impress them with the import-
ance of the cause, Ansgar made rapid progress, but, as was to be
expected, the progress soon awakened opposition. In 834 a
swarm, of heathen Danes penetrated with a fleet of six hundred
small vessels into the Elb under the command of king Horich I.,
and laid siege to Hamburg. The city was taken, sacked and
burntj the church which Ansgar had built, the monastery in
which he lived, his library containing a copy of the Bible which
the emperor had presented to him, efc., were destroyed and the
Christians were driven away from the place. For many days
Ansgar fled from hiding-place to hiding-place in imminent danger
of his life. He sought refuge with the bishop of Bremen, but
* Mabfflon: Act. 8<md. Bened. Ord. IV. 2, p. 124.
114 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
the bishop of Bremen was jealous, because Scandinavia had not
been laid under his see, arid refused to give any assistance. The
revenues of Thorout he lost, as the emperor, Charles the Bald,
gave the fief to one of his favorites. Even his own pupils
deserted him.
In this great emergency his character shone forth in all its
strength and splendor; he bore what God laid upon him in
silence and made no complaint. Meanwhile Lewis the German
came to his support. In 846 the see of Bremen became vacant.
The see of Hamburg was then united to that of Bremen, and io
this new sec, which Ansgar was called to fill, a papal bull of May
31, 864, gave archicpiscopal rank. Installed in Bremen, Anngar
immediately took up again the Danish mission and again with
success. He won even king Horich himself for the Christian
cause, and obtained permission from him to btiikl a dmreh in
Hedeby, the first Christian church in Denmark, dedicated to Our
Lady. Under king Horich's son this church was allowed to
have bells, a particular horror to the heathens, and a new and
larger church was commenced in Kibe. By Amgar's activity
Christianity became an established and acknowledged institution
in Denmark, and not only in Denmark but also in Sweden, which
he visited once more, 848-850.
The principal feature of his spiritual character was ascetic
severity; he wore a coarse hair-shirt clone to the nkin, fasted
much and spent most of his time in prayer. But with this asceti-
cism he connected a great deal of practical energy; he rebuked
the idleness of the monks, demanded of his pupils that they
should have some actual work at hand, arid was often occupied
in knitting, while praying. His enthusiasm and holy raptures
were also singularly well-tempered by good common sense.
To those who wished to extol his greatness and goodness by
ascribing miracles to him, he said that the greatest miracle in
his life would be, if God ever made a thoroughly pious man out
of him,1 Most prominent, however, among the spiritual features
1 <(Si dignus mem ojpud 2)wm meum, rogarem qmtenus twum mhi conctderct
§ 29. THE CHEISTIANIZATION OF DENMARK. 115
of his character shines forth his unwavering faith in the final
success of his cause and the never-failing patience with which
this faith fortified his soul. In spite of apparent failure he never
gave up his work; overwhelmed with disaster, he still continued
it. From his death-bed he wrote a letter to king Lewis to recom-
mend to him the Scandinavian mission. Other missionaries may
have excelled him in sagacity and organizing talent, but none
in heroic patience and humility. He died at Bremen, Feb. 3,
865, and lies buried there in the church dedicated to him. He
was canonized by Nicholas I.
Ansgar's successor in the archiepiscopal see of Hamburg-
Bremen was his friend and biographer, RIMBERT, 865-888.
In his time all the petty kingdoms into which Denmark was
divided, were gathered together under one sceptre by King
Gorm the Old; but this event, in one respect very favorable to
the rapid spread of Christianity, was in other respects a real
obstacle to the Christian cause as it placed Denmark, politically,
in opposition to Germany, which was the basis and only support
of the Christian mission to Denmark. King Gorm himself was
a grim heathen; but his queen, Thyra Danabod, had embraced
Christianity, and both under Rimbert and his successor, Adal-
gar, 888-909, the Christian missionaries were allowed to work
undisturbed. A new church, the third in Denmark, was built
at Aarhus. But under Adalgar's successor, TJnni, 909-936,
King Gorm's fury, half political and half religious, sud-
denly burst forth. The churches were burnt, the missionaries
were killed or expelled, and nothing but the decisive victory of
Henry the Fowler, king of Germany, over the Danish king
saved the Christians in Denmark from complete extermination.
By the peace it was agreed that King Gorm should allow the
preaching of Christianity in his realm, and Unni took up the
cause again with great energy. Between Unni's successor,
Adaldag, 936-988, and King Hai^ld Blue Tooth, a son of
gignum, videlicet ut demesua gratia faceretbomm hominm." Vita by Eimbert,
c.67(Mignell8,p.l008).
116 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
Gorm the Old, there grew up a relation which almost might
be called a co-operation. Around the three churches in Jut-
land: Schleswig, Elbe and Aarhus, and a fourth in Funen:
Odense, bishoprics were formed, and Adaldag consecrated four
native bishops. The church obtained right to accept and hold
donations, and instances of very large endowments occurred.
The war between Bang Harald and the German king, Otto II.,
arose from merely political causes, but led to the baptism of the
former, and soon after the royal residence was moved from
Leire, one of the chief centres of Scandinavian heathendom, to
Koeskilde, where a Christian church was built. Among the
Danes, however, there was a large party which was very ill-
pleased at this turn of aflairs. They were heathens because
heathenism was flie only religion which suited their passions.
They clung to Thor, not from conviction, but from pride.
They looked down with indignation and dismay upon the trans-
formation which Christianity everywhere effected both of the
character and the life of the people. Finally they left the coun-
try and settled under the leadership of Palnatoke, at the mouth
of the Oder, where they founded a kind of republic, Jomsborg.
From this place they waged a continuous war upon Christianity
in Denmark for more than a decade, and with dreadful effect.
The names of the martyrs would fill a whole volume, says Adam
of Bremen. The church in Eoeskilde was burnt. The bishopric
of Fiinen was abolished. The king's own son, Swen, was one
of the leaders, and the king himself was finally shot by Palna-
toke, 991. Swen, however, soon fell out with the Joms vikings,
and his invasion of England gave the warlike passions of the
nation another direction.
From the conquest of that country and its union with Den-
mark, the Danish mission received a vigorous impulse. King
Swen himself was converted, and showed great jzeal for Chris-
tianity. He rebuilt the church in Roeskilde, erected a new
church at Lund, in Skaane, placed the sign of the cross on
his coins, and exhorted, on his death-bed, his son Canute to
g29. THE CHRISTIANIZAT10N OF BENMAEK. H7
work for the Christianization of Denmark. The ardor of the
Hamburg-Bremen archbishops for the Danish mission seemed
at this time to have cooled, or perhaps the growing difference
between the language spoken to the north of the Eyder and that
spoken to the south of that river made missionary work in Den-
mark very difficult for a German preacher. Ansgar had not
felt this difference; but two centuries later it had probably be-
come necessary for the German missionary to learn a foreign
language before entering on his work in Denmark.
Between England and Denmark there existed no such difference
of language. King Canute the Great, during whose reign (1019-
1035) the conversion of Denmark was completed, could employ
English priests and monks in Denmark without the least em-
barrassment. He re-established the bishopric of Fiinen, and
founded two new bishoprics in Sealand and Skaane; and these
three sees were filled with Englishmen consecrated by the arch-
bishop of Canterbury. He invited a number of English monks
to Denmark, and settled them partly as ecclesiastics at the
churches, partly in small missionary stations, scattered all around
in the country; and everywhere, in the style of the church-
building and in the character of the service, the English influ-
ence was predominating. This circumstance, however, did in
no way affect the ecclesiastical relation between Denmark and
the archiepiscopal see of Hamburg-Bremen. The authority of
the archbishop, though not altogether unassailed, was neverthe-
less generally submitted to with good grace, and until in the
twelfth century an independent Scandinavian archbishopric was
established at Lund, with the exception of the above cases, he
always appointed and consecrated the Danish bishops. Also the
relation to the Pope was very cordial. Canute made a pilgrim-
age to Rome, and founded several Hospitia Danorum there. He
refused, however, to permit the introduction of the Peter's pence
in Denmark, and the tribute which, up to the fourteenth cen-
tury, was annually sent from that country to Borne, was con-
sidered a voluntary gift.
118 FOURTH PEBIOD. A. D. 390-1049.
The last part of Denmark which was converted was the island
of Bornholm. It was christianized in 1060 by Bishop Egius
of Lund. It is noticeable, however, that in Denmark Chris-
tianity was not made a part of the law of the land, such as was
the case in England and in Norway.
§ 30. The Christmnissation of Sweden.
ElMBERTTTS: Vita Ansgariij in Pertz: Monumenta IL
ADAMTJS BKBMBNSIS: Gesta Ham. EccL Pont., in Pertz: MomimentaVIL;
separate edition by Lappenberg. Hanover, 1846.
HISTORIC S. SIGFRIDI, in Scriptt. Rer. Suec. Medii-csvi, T. II.
Just when the expulsion of Harald Klak compelled Ansgar to
give up the Danish mission, at least for the time being, an em-
bassy was sent by the Swedish king, Bjorn, to the emperor,
Lewis the Pious, asking him to send Christian missionaries to
Sweden. Like the Danes, the Swedes had become acquainted
with Christianity through their wars and commercial connections
with foreign countries, and with many this acquaintance appears
to have awakened an actual desire to become Christians. Ac-
cordingly Ansgar went to Sweden in 829, accompanied by Wit-
mar. While crossing the Baltic, the vessel was overtaken and
plundered by pirates, and he arrived empty handed, not to
say destitute, at Bjorko or Birka, the residence of King Bjorn,
situated on an island in the Mselarn. Although poverty and
misery were very poor introduction to a heathen king in ancient
Scandinavia, he was well revived by the king; and in Hergeir
one of the most prominent/ men at the court of Birka, he found
a warm and reliable friend. Hergeir built the first Christian
chapel in Sweden, and during his whole life he proved an un-
failing and powerful support of the Christian cause. After two
years' successful labor, Ansgar returned to Germany; but he
did not forget the work begun. As soon as he was well estab-
lished as bishop in Hamburg, he sent, in 834, Gautbert, a
nephew of Ebo, to Sweden, accompanied by Nithajrd and a
number of other Christian priests, and well provided with every-
g 30. THE CHEISTIANIZATION OF SWEDEN. 119
thing necessary for the work. Gautbert labored with great suc-
cess. In Birka he built a church, and thus it became possible
for the Christians, scattered all over Sweden, to celebrate service
and partake of the Lord's Supper in their own country without
going to Duerstede or some other foreign place. But here, as
in Denmark, the success of the Christian mission aroused the
jealousy and hatred of the heathen, and, at last, even Hergeir
was not able to keep them within bounds. An infuriated swarm
broke into the house of Gaufcbert. The house was plundered;
Nithard was murdered; the church was burnt, and Gautbert
himself was sent in chains beyond the frontier. He never re-
turned to Sweden, but died as bishop of Osnabriick, shortly
before Ansgar. When Ansgar first heard of the outbreak in
Sweden, he was himself flying before the fury of the Danish
heathen, and for several years he was unable to do anything
for the Swedish mission. Ardgar, a former hermit, now a priest,
went to Sweden, and in Birka he found that Hergeir had suc-
ceeded in keeping together and defending the Christian congre-
gation; but Hergeir died shortly after, and with him fell the
last defence against the attacks of the heathen and barbarians.
Meanwhile Ansgar had been established in the archiepiscopal
sec of Hamburg-Bremen. In 848, he determined to go him-
self to Sweden. The costly presents he gave to king Olaf, the
urgent letters he brought from the emperor, and the king of Den-
mark, the magnificence and solemnity of the appearance of the
mission made a deep impression. The king promised that the
question should be laid before the assembled people, whether or
not they would allow Christianity to be preached again in the
country. In the assembly it was the address of an old Swede,
proving that the god of the Christians was stronger even than
Thor, and that it was poor policy for a nation not to have the
strongest god, which finally turned the scales, and once more
the Christian missionaries were allowed to preach undisturbed
in the country. Before Ansgar left, in 8t50, the church was rebuilt
in Birka, and, for a number of years, the missionary labor was
120 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
continued with great zeal by Erimbert, a nephew of Gautbert,
by Ansfrid, born a Dane, and by Eimbert, also a Dane.
Nevertheless, although the persecutions ceased, Christianity
made little progress, and when, in 935, Archbishop TInni himself
visited Birka, his principal labor consisted in bringing back to
the Christian fold such members as had strayed away among
the heathen, and forgotten their faith. Half a century later,
however, during the reign of Olaf Skotkonge, the mission re-
ceived a vigorous impulse. The king himself and his sons were
won for the Christian cause, and from Denmark a number of
English missionaries entered the country. The most prominent
among these was Sigfrid, who has been mentioned beside Ans-
gar as the apostle of the North. By his exertions many were
converted, and Christianity became a legally recognized religion
in the country beside the old heathenism. In the Southern part
of Sweden, heathen sacrifices ceased, and heathen altars disap-
peared. In the Northern part, however, the old faith still con-
tinued to live on, partly because it was difficult for the mission-
aries to penetrate into Ifoose wild and forbidding regions, partly
because there existed a difference of tribe between the Northern
and Southern Swedes, which again gave rise to political differ-
ences.
The Christianization of Sweden was not completed until the
middle of the twelfth century.
§ 31. The Christianization of Norway and Iceland.
SBTOBRE STURLESOiir (d. 1241) : ffeimkringfa (i. e. Circle of Home, writ-
ten first in Icelandic), seu Historic, Eegum Stytentrionalium, etc.
Stockholm, 1697, 2 vols. The same in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin.
Havn., 1777-1826; in German by Mohnike, 1835; in English, transl.
by Sam. Laing. London, 1844, 3 vols. This history of the Norwe-
gian kings reaches from the mythological age to A.D. 1177.
N. P. SiBBEiusr: Eibliotheca Historica Dano-Norvegiea. Hamburg, 1716.
Fornmanna-jSogur seu Scripta Hist. Islandorum. Hafiiise, 1828.
K. MAURER: Bekehrung des Norwegischen Stammes mm Okristenthum.
Munchen, 1855-66, 2 vols.
THOMAS CARLYLE : Early Kings of Norway. London and N. York, 1875.
O. F. MACLEAB : The Conversion of the Northmen. London, 1879.
2 31. THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF NORWAY. 121
Christianity was introduced in Norway almost exclusively by
the exertions of the kings, and the means employed were chiefly
violence and tricks. The people accepted Christianity not because
they had become acquainted with it and felt a craving for it, but
because they were compelled to accept it, and the result was that
heathen customs and heathen Ideas lived on in Christian Norway
for centuries after they had disappeared from the rest of Scandi-
navia.
The first attempt to introduce Christianity in the country
was made in the middle of the tenth century by Hakon the Good.
Norway was gathered into one state in the latter part of the ninth
century by Harald Haarfagr, but internal wars broke out again
under Harald's son and successor, Eric. These troubles in-
duced Hakon, an illegitimate son of Harald Haarfagr and edu«
cated in England at the court of king Athelstan, to return to
Norway and lay claim to the crown. He succeeded in gaining
a party in his favor, expelled Eric and conquered all Norway,
where he soon became exceedingly popular, partly on account of
his valor and military ability, partly also on account of the refine-
ment and suavity of his manners. Hakon was a Christian, and
the Christiankation of Norway seems to have been his highest
goal from the very first days of his reign. But he was prudent.
Without attracting any great attention to the matter, he won over
to Christianity a number of those who stood nearest to him,
called Christian priests from England, and built a church at
Drontheim. Meanwhile he began to think that tie time had come
for a more public and more decisive step, and at the great Frost-
ething, where all the most prominent men of the country were
assembled, he addressed the people on the matter and exhorted
them to become Christians. The answer he received was very
characteristic. They had no objection to Christianity itself, for
they did not know what it meant, but they suspected the king^s
proposition, as if it were a political stratagem by means of which
he intended to defraud them of their political rights and liber*
ties. Thus they not only refused to become Christians them-
122 FOURTH PEKIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
selves, but even compelled the king to partake in their heathen
festivals and offer sacrifices to their heathen gods. The king was
very indignant and determined to take revenge, but just as he
had got an army together, the sons of the expelled Eric landed
in Norway and in the battle against them, 961, he received a
deadly wound.
The sons of Eric, who had lived in England during their
exile, were likewise Christians, and they took up the cause
of Christianity in a very high-handed manner, overthrowing
the heathen altars and forbidding sacrifices. But the impres-
sion they made was merely odious, and their successor, Hakon
Jarl, was a rank heathen. The &rsi time Christianity really
gained a footing in Norway, was under Olaf Trygveson. De-
scended from Harald Haarfagr, but sold, while a child, as a slave
in Esdionia, he was ransomed by a relative who incidentally met
him and recognized his own kin in the beauty of the boy, and
was educated at Moscow. Afterwards he roved about much in
Denmark, Wendland, England and Ireland, living as a sea-
king. In England he became acquainted with Christianity and
immediately embraced it, but he carried his viking-nature almost
unchanged over into Christianity, and a fiercer knight of the
cross was probably never seen. Invited to Norway by a party
which had grown impatient of the tyranny of Hakon Jarl, he easily
made himself master of the country, in 995, and immediately
set about making Christianity its religion, " punishing severely/'
as Snorre says, " all who opposed him, killing some, mutilating
others, and driving the rest into banishment" In the Southern
part there still lingered a remembrance of Christianity from tike
days of Hakon the Good, and things went on here somewhat
more smoothly, though Olaf more than once gave the people
assembled in council with him the choice between fighting him
or accepting baptism forthwith. But in the Northern part
all the craft and all the energy of the king were needed in order
to overcome the opposition. Once, at a great heathen festival at
Moere, he told the assembled people that, if he should return to
§ 81. THE CHEISTIANIZATION OF NOBWAY. 123
the heathen gods it would be necessary for him to make some
great and awful sacrifice, and accordingly he seized twelve of the
most prominent men present and prepared to sacrifice them to
Thor. They were rescued, however, when the whole assembly
accepted Christianity and were baptized. In the year 1000, he
fell in a battle against the united Danish and Swedish kings, but
though he reigned only five years, he nevertheless succeeded in
establishing Christianity as the religion of Norway and, what is
still more remarkable, no general relapse into heathenism seems to
have taken place after his death.
During the reign of Olaf the Saint, who ruled from A. D.
1014-'30, the Christianization of the country was completed.
His task it was to uproot heathenism wherever it was still found
lurking, and to give the Christian religion an ecclesiastical orga-
nization. Like his predecessors, he used craft and violence to
reach his goal. Heathen idols and altars disappeared, heathen
customs and festivals were suppressed, the civil laws were brought
into conformity with the rules of Christian morals. The country
was divided into dioceses and parishes, churches were built, and
regular revenues were raised for the sustenance of the clergy.
For the most part he employed English monks and priests, but
with the consent of the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, under
whose authority he placed the Norwegian church. After his
death, in the battle of Stiklestad, July 29, 1030, he was canonized
and became the patron saint of Norway.
To Norway belonged, at that time, ICELAND. From Icelandic
tradition as well as from the " De Mensura Orbis " by Dicuilus,
an Irish monk in the beginning of the ninth century, it ap-
pears that Culdee anchorites used to retire to Iceland as early
as the beginning of the eighth century, while the island was still
uninhabited. These anchorites, however, seem to have had no
influence whatever on the Norwegian settlers who, flying from
the tyranny of Harald Haarfagr, came to Iceland in the latter
part of the ninth century and began to people the country. The
new-comers were heathen, and they looked with amazement at
124 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
Auda the Rich, the widow of Olaf the White, king of Dublin,
who in 892 took up her abode in Iceland aud reared a lofty cross
in front of her house. But the Icelanders were great travellers,
and one of them, Thorvald Kodranson, who in Saxony had
embraced Christianity, brought bishop Frederic home to Iceland.
Frederic stayed there for four years, and his preaching found
easy access among the people. The mission of Thangbrand in
the latter part of the tenth century failed, but when Norway, or
at least the Norwegian coast, became Christian, the intimate
relation between Iceland and Norway soon brought the germs
which Frederic had planted, into rapid growth, and in the year
1000 the Icelandic Althing declared Christianity to be the
established religion of the country. The first church was built
shortly after from timber sent by Olaf the Saint from Norway
to the treeless island.
IV. THE CHBISTIAJSriZATION OF THE SLAVS.
§ 32. General Survey.
A- EEGENVOLSCTOS: System histchronol. JScdesiarum Slavonic. Traj.
ad Rhen., 1652.
A. WENTOERSCITTS: Hist, eccksiast. EccMarum Slavonic. Amst., 1689.
Komnrs : Infroductio in Hist. Slavorum imprimis sacram. Altona, 1704*
J. CH. JORDAN: Origines JSfawcce. Vindob., 1745.
S. DE BOHTJSZ: fiecherches hist, sur I'origine dee Swrmates, des JEsclavons,
et des Slaves, et sur lea epoques de la conversion de ces peupks. St.
Petersburg and London, 1812.
P. J. SGHAFABIK: Slavische Alterthumer. Leipzig, 1844, 2 vols.
HOBVAT: UrgeschicMe der Sloven. Pest, 1844.
W. A. MACIEJOWSKY: Essai hist, sur Veglixe ehr fa primitive de deux rites
chest fas Slaves. Translated from Polish into French by L. F. Sauvet,
Paris, 1846.
At what time the Slavs first made their appearance in Europe
is not known. Latin and Greek writers of the second half
of fihe sixth century, such as Procopius, Jornandes, Agathias,
the emperor Mauritius and others, knew only those Slavs who
2 32. THE CHBISTIANIZATION OF THE SLAVS. 125
lived along the frontiers of the Eoman empire. In the era of
Charlemagne the Slavs occupied the whole of Eastern Europe
from the Baltic to the Balkan; the Obotrites and Wends be-
tween the Elbe and the Vistula; the Poles around the Vistula,
and behind them the Russians; the Czechs in Bohemia. Fur-
ther to the South the compact mass of Slavs was split by the in-
vasion of various Finnish or Turanian tribes; the Huns in the
fifth century, the Avars in the sixth, the Bulgarians in the
seventh, the Magyars in the ninth. The Avars penetrated to
the Adriatic, but were thrown back in 640 by the Bulgarians;
they then settled in Panonia, were subdued and converted by
Charlemagne, 791-796, and disappeared altogether from history
in the ninth century. The Bulgarians adopted the Slavic lan-
guage and became Slavs, not only in language, but also in cus-
toms and habits. Only the Magyars, who settled around the
Theiss and the Danube, and are the ruling race in Hungary,
vindicated themselves as a distinct nationality.
The great mass of Slavs had no common political organization,
but formed a number of kingdoms, which flourished, some for
a shorter, and others for a longer period, such as Moravia, Bul-
garia, Bohemia, Poland, and Eussia. In a religious respect also
great differences existed among them. They were agricultu-
rists, and their gods were representatives of natural forces; but
while Eadigost and Sviatovit, worshipped by the Obotrites and
Wends, were cruel gods, in whose temples, especially at Arcona
in the island of Rugen, human beings were sacrificed, Svarog
worshipped by the Poles, and Dazhbog, worshipped by the
Bohemians, were mild gods, who demanded love and prayer.
Common to all Slavs, however, was a very elaborate belief in
fairies and trolls; and polygamy, sometimes connected with sut-
teeism, widely prevailed among them. Their conversion was
attempted both by Constantinople and by Borne; but the cha-
otic and ever-shifting political conditions under which they lived,
the rising difference and jealousy between the Eastern and West-
ern churches, and the great difficulty which the missionaries
126 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
experienced in learning their language, presented formidable
obstacles, and at the close of the period the work was not yet
completed.
§ 33. Christian Missions among Hie Wends.
ADAM of BREMEN (d. 1067) : Gesta Hammenb. (ffamburgensis) Ecd. Pont.,
in Pertz; Monumenta Germ., VII.
HELMOLDTJS (d. 1147) and ARNOLDUS LTJBECENSIS: Chronicon Sfavorum
sive AnnaZes Sfavorum, from Charlemagne to 1170, ed. H. JBangert.
Lubecse, 1659. German translation by Laurent, Berlin, 1852.
SPIEKER : Eirchengeschichte der Mark jBrandenburg. Berlin, 1839.
WIGGERS: JZircfimgeschickte Mecklenburg*. ParcMm, 1840.
GIESEBREGET: Wendische Geschiehten. Berlin, 1843.
Charlemagne was the first who attempted to introduce Chris-
tianity among the Slavic tribes which, under the collective name
of Wends, occupied the Northern part of Germany, along the
coast of the Baltic, from the mouth of the Elbe to the Vistula:
Wagrians in Holstein, Obotrites in Mecklenburg, Serbians on
the Saxon boundary, Wilzians in Brandenburg, eto. But in the
hands of Charlemagne, the Christian mission was a political
weapon; and to the Slavs, acceptation of Christianity became
synonymous with political and national subjugation. Hence
their fury against Christianity which, time after time, broke
forth, volcano-like, and completely destroyed the work of the
missionaries. The decisive victories which Otto I. gained over
the Wends, gave him an opportunity to attempt, on a large scale,
the establishment of the Christian church among them. Episcopal
sees ware founded at Havelberg in 946, at Altenburg or Olden-
burg in 948, at Meissen, Merseborg, and Zeitz in 968, and in
the last year an archiepiscopal see was founded ai Magdeburg.
Boso, a monk from St. Emmeran, at Kegensburg, who first had
translated the formulas of the liturgy into the language of the
natives, became bishop of Merseburg, and Adalbert, who first
had preached Christianity in the island of Bugen, became arch*
bishop.
But again the Christian church was used as a means for poll-
§ 33. CHEISTIAN MISSIONS AMONG THE WENDS 127
tical purposes, and, in the reign of Otto II., a fearful rising
took place among the Wends under the leadership of Prince
Mistiwoi. He had become a Christian himself; but, indignant
at the suppression which was practiced in the name of the Chris-
tian religion, he returned to heathenism, assembled the tribes at
Rethre, one of the chief centres of Wendish heathendom, and
began, in 983, a war which spread devastation all over Northern
Germany. The churches and monasteries were burnt, and the
Christian priests were expelled. Afterwards Mistiwoi was
seized with remorse, and tried to cure the evil he had done in
an outburst of passion. But then his subjects abandoned him;
he left the country, and spent the last days of his life in a Chris-
tian monastery at Bardewick. His grandson, Gottschalk, whose
Slavic name is unknown, was educated in the Christian faith in
the monastery of St. Michael, near Luneburg; but when he
heard that his father, Uto, had been murdered, 1032, the old
heathen instincts of revenge at once awakened within him. He
left the monastery, abandoned Christianity, and raised a storm
of persecution against the Christians, which swept over all Bran-
denburg, Mecklenburg, and Holstein. Defeated and taken
prisoner by Bernard of Lower Saxony, he returned to Chris-
tianity; lived afterwards at the court of Canute the Great in
Denmark and England; married a Danish princess, and was
made ruler of the Obotrites. A great warrior, he conquered
Holstein and Pommerania, and formed a powerful Wendish
empire; and on this solid political foundation, he attempted,
with considerable success, to build up the Christian church.
The old bishoprics were re-established, and new ones were
founded at Razzeburg and Mecklenburg ; monasteries were built
at Leuzen, Oldenburg, Razzeburg, Lubeck, and Mecklenburg;
missionaries were provided by Adalbert, archbishop of Ham-
burg-Bremen; the liturgy was translated into the native tongue,
and revenues were raised for the support of the clergy, the
churches, and the service.
But, as might have been expected, the deeper Christianity
128 FOUBTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
penetrated into the mass of the people, the fiercer hecame the
resistance of the heathen. Gottschalk was murdered at Lentz,
June 7, 1066, together with his old teacher, Abbot Uppo, and a
general rising now took place. The churches and schools were
destroyed ; the priests and monks were stoned or killed as sacri-
fices on the heathen altars; and Christianity was literally swept
out of the country. It took several decades before a new begin-
ning could be made, and the final Christiardzation of the Wends
was not achieved until the middle of the twelfth century.
§ 34. OyriKus and Mdhodius, the Apostles of the Slavs. OAm-
tianizcdion of Moravia, Bohemia and Poland.
F. M. PELZEL et J. DOBBOWSKY; Eerrum £ohemic. Sm/ptores. Prague.
FRIESE: Kirchengeschichte d. Konigrdchs Pokn. Breslau, 1786.
FBANZ. PALACKY: Geschichte von Bohmen. Prague, 3d ed., 1864 sqq., 5
Yols. (down to 1520).
WATTENBACH: Gesehiehte d. christt. Exrche in JBohmen, und Mahren.
Wien, 1849.
A. FMHD: Die Evrchengesch. JBohmens. Prague, 1863 sqq.
Biographies of CYRILLUS and METHODIUS, by J. DOBKOWSKY (Prague,
1823, and 1826); J. A. GINZEL (Geschichte der Slawenapostel und
der Sfawischen. IMwrgie. Leitmeritz, 1857) ; PHILABET (in the Rus-
sian, German translation, Mitau, 1847) ; J. E. BILEY (Prague, 1863) ;
DTOMLER and F. MILKOSISCH (Wien, 1870).
The Moravian Slavs were subjugated by Charlemagne, and
the bishop of Passau was charged with the establishment of a
Christian mission among them. Moymir, their chief, was con-
verted and bishoprics were founded at Olmtitz and Nitra. But
Lewis the German suspected Moymir of striving after indepen-
dence and supplanted him by Eastislaw or Badislaw. Rastis-
law, however, accomplished what Moymir had only been sus-
pected of. He formed an independent Moravian kingdom and
defeated Lewis the German, and with the political he also broke
the ecclesiastical connections with Germany, requesting the Byzan-
tine emperor, Michael III., to send him some Greek missionaries.
CYBTLiiUB and METHODIUS became the apostles of the Slavs.
Cyrillus, whose original name was Constantinus, was born at
2 34. CHEISTIANIZATION OP MORAVIA, ETC. 129
Thessalonica, in the first half of the ninth century, and studied
philosophy in Constantinople, whence his by-name: the philo-
sopher. Afterwards he devoted himself to the study of theology,
and went to live, together with his brother Methodius, in a
monastery* A strong ascetic, he became a zealous missionary.
In 860 he visited the Chazares, a Tartar tribe settled on the
North-Eastern shore of the Black Sea, and planted a Christian
<5hurch there. He afterward labored among the Bulgarians and
finally went, in company with his brother, to Moravia, on the
invitation of Bastislaw, in 863.
Cyrillus understood the Slavic language, and succeeded in
making it available for literary purposes by inventing a suitable
alphabet. He used Greek letters, with some Armenian and
Hebrew, and some original letters. His Slavonic alphabet is
still used with alterations in Eussia, Wallachia, Moldavia, Bul-
garia, and Servia. He translated the liturgy and the pericopes
into Slavic, and his ability to preach and celebrate service in
the native language soon brought hundreds of converts into
his fold. A national Slavic church rapidly arose; the German
priests with the Latin liturgy left the country. It corres-
ponded well with the political plans of Bastislaw, to have a
church establishment entirely independent of the German prelates,
but in the difference which now developed between the Eastern
and Western churches, it was quite natural for the young Slavic
church to connect itself with Eome and not with Constantinople,
partly because Cyrillus always had shown a kind of partiality to
Borne, partly because the prudence and discrimination with which
Pope Nicholas I. recently had interfered in the Bulgarian church,
must have made a good impression.
In 868 Cyrillus and Methodius went to Eome, and a perfect
agreement was arrived at between them and Pope Adrian II.,
both with respect to the use of the Slavic language in religious
service and with respect to the independent position of the Slavic
church, subject only to the authority of the Pope. Cyrillus
died in Borne, Feb. 14, 869, but Methodius returned to Mo-
130 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
ravia, having been consecrated archbisiiop of the Pannonian
diocese.
The organization of this new diocese of Pannonia was, to some
extent, an encroachment on ihe dioceses of Passau and Salzburg,
and such an encroachment must have been so much the more
irritating to the German prelates, as they really had been the first
to sow the seed of Christianity among the Slavs. The growing
difference between the Eastern and Western churches also had
its effect The German clergy considered the use of the Slavic
language in the mass an unwarranted innovation, and the Greek
doctrine of the single procession of the Holy Spirit, still ad-
hered to by Methodius and the Slavic church, they considered
as a heresy. Their attacks, however, had at first no practical
consequences, but when Rastislaw was succeeded in 870 by Swa-
topluk, and Adrian II. in 872 by John VIII., the position of
Methodius became difficult. Once more, in 879, he was sum-
moned to Rome, and although, this time too, a perfect agreement
was arrived at, by which the independence of the Slavic church
was confirmed, and all her natural peculiarities were acknow-
ledged, neither the energy of Methodius, nor the support of the
Pope was able to defend her against the attacks which now were
made upon her both from without and from within, Swatopluk
inclined towards the German-Roman views, and Wichin one of
Methodius's bishops, became their powerful champion.
After the death of Swatopluk, the Moravian kingdom fell to
pieces and was divided between the Germans, the Czechs of Bohe-
mia, and the Magyars of Hungary; and thereby the Slavic church
lost, so to speak, its very foundation. Methodius died between
881 and 910. At the opening of the tenth century the Slavic
church had entirely lost its national character. The Slavic priests
were expelled and the Slavic liturgy abolished, German priests
and the Latin liturgy taking their place. The expelled priests
fled to Bulgaria, whither they brought the Slavic translations of
the Bible and the liturgy.
Neither Charlemagne nor Lewis the Pious succeeded in subju-
2 34. CHEISTIAlSTIZATIOlSr OP MOEAVIA, ETC. 131
gating Bohemia, and although the country was added to the dio-
cese of Regensburg, the inhabitants remained pagans. But when
Bohemia became a dependency of the Moravian empire and Swa-
topluk married a daughter of the Bohemian duke, Bomwai, a
door was opened to Christianity. Borziwai and his wife, Lud-
milla, were baptized, and their children were educated in the
Christian faith. Nevertheless, when Wratislav, Borziwatfs son
and successor, died in 925, a violent reaction took place. He
left two sons, Wenzeslav and Boleslav, who were placed under
the tutelage of their grandmother, Ludmilla. But their mother,
Drahomira, was an inveterate heathen, and she caused the mur-
der first of Ludmilla, and then of Wenzeslav, 938. Boleslav,
surnamed the Cruel, had his mother's nature and also her faith,
and he almost succeeded in sweeping Christianity out of Bohemia.
But in 950 he was utterly defeated by the emperor, Otto L, and
compelled not only to admit the Christian priests into the country,
but also to rebuild the churches which had been destroyed, and
this misfortune seems actually to have changed his mind. He
now became, if not friendly, at least forbearing to his Christian
subjects, and, during the reign of his son and successor, Boleslav
the Mild, the Christian Church progressed so far in Bohemia
that an independent archbishopric was founded in Prague. The
mass of the people, however, still remained barbarous, and hea-
thenish customs and ideas lingered among them for more than a
century. Adalbert, archbishop of Prague, from 983 to 997,1
preached against polygamy, the trade in Christian slaves, chiefly
carried on by the Jews, but in vain. Twice he left his see,
disgusted and discouraged ; finally he was mariyred by the Prus-
sian Wends. Not until 1038 archbishop Severus succeeded in
enforcing laws concerning marriage, the celebration of the Lord's
Day, and other points of Christian morals. About the contest
between the Romano-Slavic and the Romano-Germanic churches
in Bohemia, nothing is known. Legend tells that Methodius
1 Poswb & AdaZberti, in Scriptores Eerum Prussicaruml^and Vita & Adalbert!
in Monumenfa Qermm. IV*
132 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
himself baptized Borzrwai and Ludmilla, and the first missionary
work was, no doubt, done by Skvic priests, but at the time of
Adalbert the Germanic tendency was prevailing.
Also among the Poles the Gospel was first preached by Skvic
missionaries, and Cyrillus and Methodius are celebrated in the
Polish liturgy1 as the apostles of the country. As the Moravian
empire under Rastiskw comprised vast regions which afterward
belonged to the kingdom of Poland, it is only natural that the
movement started by. Cyrillus and Methodius should have reached
also these regions, and the name of at least one Slavic missionary
among the Poles, Wiznach, is known to history.
After the breaking up of the Moravian kingdom, Moravian
nobles and priests sought refuge in Poland, and during the reign
of duke Semovit Christianity had become so powerful among the
Poles, that it began to excite the jealousy of the pagans, and a
violent contest took place. By the marriage between Duke
Miec2yslav and the Bohemian princess Dombrowka, a sister of
Boleskv the Mild, the influence of Christianity became still
stronger. Dombrowka brought a number of Bohemian priests
with her to Poland, 965, and in the following year Mieczyskv
himself was converted and baptized. With characteristic arro-
gance he simply demanded that all his subjects should follow his
example, and the pagan idols were now burnt or thrown into the
river, pagan sacrifices were forbidden and severely punished, and
Christian churches were built. So far the introduction of Chris-
tianity among the Poles was entirely due to Slavic influences,
but at this time the close political connection between Duke
Mieczyskv and Otto I. opened the way for a powerful German
influence. Mieczyskv borrowed the whole organization of the
Polish church from Germany. It was on the advice of Otto I.
that he founded the first Polish bishopric at Posen and placed it
under the authority of the archbishop of Magdeburg. German
priests, representing Roman doctrines and rites, and using the
1 Mfaale proprium regum Polonice, Venet. 1629 ; Officia propria pvtronorum
regni Polonwe, Antwerp, 1627.
2 34. CHBISTIANIZATION OF MOEAVIA, ETC. 133
Latin language, began to work beside the Slavic priests who rep-
resented Greek doctrines and rites and used the native language,
and when finally the Polish church was placed wholly under the
authority of Home, this was not due to any spontaneous move-
ment within the church itself, such as Polish chroniclers like to
represent it, but to the influence of the German emperor and the
German church. Under Mieczyslav's son, Boleslav Chrobry, the
first king of Poland and one of the most brilliant heroes of Polish
history, Poland, although christianized only on the surface, became
itself the basis for missionary labor among other Slavic tribes.
It was Boleslav who sent Adalbert of Prague among the
Wends, and when Adalbert here was pitifully martyred, Boles-
lav ransomed his remains, had them buried at Gnesen (whence
they afterwards were carried to Prague), and founded here an
archiepiscopal see, around which the Polish church was finally
consolidated. The Christian mission, however, was in the hands
of Boleslav, just as it often had been in the hands of the German
emperors, and sometimes even in the hands of the Pope himself,
nothing but a political weapon. The mass of the population of
his own realm was still pagan in their very hearts. Annually
the Poles assembled on the day on which their idols had been
thrown into the rivers or burnt, and celebrated the memory of
their gods by dismal dirges,1 and the simplest rules of Christian
morals could be enforced only by the application of the most
barbarous punishments. Yea, under the political disturbances
which occurred after the death of Mieczyslav II., 1034, a general
outburst of heathenism took place throughout the Polish kingdom,
and it took a long time before it was fully put down.
i Grimm: Deuteche MytWogie, EL 733.
134 FOUKTH PEEIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
§ 35. The Conversim of the Bulgarians.
PORPHYBOGENITUS: Life of Basilius Macedo, in Hist.
Byzant. Cbntinuatorespost Theophanem. Greek and Latin, Paris, 1685.
PHOTII Epistola, ed. Eichard. Montacutius. London, 1647.
NICHOLAS I. : Eesponsaad ConwltaBulgarvrum, in MANSI: Coll Condi.,
Tom. XV., pp. 401-434; and in HABDUEST: CUL Conctt., V,, pp.
353-386.
A. PICHLER: Geschichte der kirchlichen Tremmng smschen dem Orient und
OcGident. Munchen, 1864, L, pp. 192 sqq.
Comp. the biographies of C YBILLTJS and METHODIUS, mentioned in J 34,
p. 128.
The Bulgarians were of Turanian descent, but, having lived
for centuries among Slavic nations, they had adopted Slavic
language, religion, customs and habits. Occupying the plains
between the Danube and the Balkan range, they made frequent
inroads into the territory of the Byzantine empire. In 813 they
conquered Adrianople and carried a number of Christians, among
whom was the bishop himself, as prisoners to Bulgaria. Here
these Christian prisoners formed a congregation and began to
labor for the conversion of their captors, though not with any
great success, as it would seem, since the bishop was martyred.
But in 861 a sister of the Bulgarian prince, Bogoris, who had
been carried as a prisoner to Constantinople, and educated there
in the Christian faith, returned to her native country, and her
exertions for the conversion of her brother at last succeeded.
Methodius was sent to her aid, and a picture he painted of the
last judgment is said to have made an overwhelming impression
on Bogoris, and determined him to embrace Christianity. He
was baptized in 863, and entered immediately in correspondence
with Photius, the patriarch of Constantinople. His baptism,
however, occasioned a revolt among his subjects, and the hor-
rible punishment, which he inflicted upon the rebels, shows how
little as yet he had understood the teachings of Christianity,
Meanwhile Greek missionaries, mostly monks, had entered the
country, but they were intriguing, arrogant, and produced nothing
2 36. THE CONVERSION OF THE MAGYAKS. 135
but confusion among the people. In 865 Bogoris addressed him-
self to Pope Nicolas I*, asking for Roman missionaries, and
laying before the Pope one hundred and six questions con-
cerning Christian doctrines, morals and ritual, which he wished
to have answered. The Pope sent two bishops to Bulgaria,
and gave Bogoris very elaborate and sensible answers to his
questions.
Nevertheless, the Roman mission did not succeed either.
The Bulgarians disliked to submit to any foreign authority.
They desired the establishment of an independent national
church, but this was not to be gained either from Rome or
from Constantinople. Finally the Byzantine emperor, Basi-
lius Macedo, succeeded in establishing Greek bishops and a Greek
archbishop in the country, and thus the Bulgarian church came
under the authority of the patriarch of Constantinople, but its
history up to this very day has been a continuous struggle
against this authority. The church is now ruled by a Holy
Synod, with an independent exarch.
Fearful atrocities of the Turks against the Christians gave
rise io the Russo-Turkish war in 1877, and resulted in the in-
dependence of Bulgaria, which by the Treaty of Berlin in 1878
was constituted Into "an autonomous and tributary principality
under the suzerainty of the Sultan,1' but with a Christian
government and a national militia. Religious proselytism. is
prohibited, and religious school-books must be previously exam-
ined by the Holy Synod. But Protestant missionaries are at
work among the people, and practically enjoy full liberty.
§ 36. The Conversion of the Magyars.
JOH. DB THWBOOZ: Chronica Hungarorum, in Schwandtner: Scriptorcs
Serum ffungwriwrum, I. Vienna, 1746-8.
VITA S. STEPHAETI, in Act. jSanctor. September.
VITA S. ADALBEKTI, in Mmum&tit. Oennan. IV.
HORVATH : History of Hungary. Pest, 1842-46.
. THEINER : Monwmenfa vetera historic* Hungarian taeram ttluttran*
tia. Rom., 1859, 1860, 2 Tom. fol.
136 FOURTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
The Magyars, belonging to the Turanian family of nations,
and allied to the Finns and the Turks, penetrated into Europe
in the ninth century, and settled, in 884, in the plains between
the Bug and the Sereth, near the mouth of the Danube. On
the instigation of the Byzantine emperor, Leo the Wise, they
attacked the Bulgarians, and completely defeated them. The
military renown they thus acquired gave them a new opportunity.
The Frankish king Arnulf invoked their aid against Swatopluk,
the ruler of the Moravian empire. Swatopluk, too, was defeated,
and his realm was divided between the victors. The Magyars,
retracing their steps across the Carpathian range, settled in the
plains around the Theiss and the Danube, the country which
their forefathers, the Huns, once had ruled over, the present
Hungary. They were a wild and fierce race, worshipping one
supreme god under the guise of various natural phenomena:
the sky, the river, etc. They had no temples and no priesthood,
and their sacrifices consisted of animals only, mostly horses.
But the oath was kept sacred among them, and their marriages
were monogamous, and inaugurated with religious rites.
The first acquaintance with Christianity the Maygars made
through their connections with the Byzantine court, without any
further consequences. But after settling in Hungary, where they
were surrounded on all sides by Christian nations, they were
compelled, in 950, by the emperor, Otto I., to allow the bishop
of Passau to send missionaries into their country; and various
circumstances contributed to make this mission a rapid and com-
plete success. Their prince, Geyza, had married a daughter of
the Transylvanian prince, Gyula, and this princess, Savolta, had
been educated in the Christian faith. Thus Geyza felt friendly
towards the Christians; and as soon as this became known,
Christianity broke forth from the mass of the population like
flowers from the earth when spring has come. The people which,
the Magyars had subdued when settling in Hungary, and the
captives whom they had carried along with them from Bulgaria
and Moravia, were Christians. Hitherto these Christians had
? 36. THE CONVEKSIOSr OF THE MAGYAES. 137
concealed their religion from fear of their rulers, and their chil-
dren had been baptized clandestinely; but now they assembled
in great multitudes around the missionaries, and the entrance of
Christianity into Hungary looked like a triumphal march.1
Political disturbances afterwards interrupted this progress, but
only for a short time. Adalbert of Prague visited the country,
and made a great impression. He baptized Geyza's son, Vbik,
born in 961, and gave him the name of Stephanus, 994. Adal-
bert's pupil, Eodla, remained for a longer period in the country,
and was held in so high esteem by the people, that they after-
wards would not let him go. When Stephanus ascended the
throne in 997, he determined at once to establish Christianity as
the sole religion of his realm, and ordered that all Magyars
should be baptized, and that all Christian slaves should be
set free. This, however, caused a rising of the pagan party
under the head of Kuppa, a relative of Stephanus; but Kuppa
was defeated at Veszprim, and the order had to be obeyed.
Stephanus' marriage with Gisela, a relative of the emperor,
Otto III., brought him in still closer contact with the German
empire, and he, like Mieczyslav of Poland, borrowed the whole
ecclesiastical organization from the German church. Ten bish-
oprics were formed, and placed under the authority of the arch-
bishop of Gran on the Danube (which is still the seat of the
primate of Hungary); churches were built, schools and monaste-
ries were founded, and rich revenues were procured for their sup-
port; the clergy was declared the first order in rank, and the Latin
language was made the official language not only in ecclesiastical,
but also in secular matters. As a reward for his zeal, Stephanus
waS presented by Pope Silvester II. with a golden crown, and,
in the year 1000, he was solemnly crowned king by the arch-
bishop of Gran, while a papal bull conferred on him the title of
"His Apostolic Majesty." And, indeed, Stephanus was the
apostle of the Magyars. As most of the priests and monks,
1 See the letter from Bishop Pilgrin of Passau to Pope Benedict VI in
Mauri, Qmnl. I.
138 FOUBTH PEKIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
called from Germany, did not understand the language of the
people, the king himself travelled about from town to town,
preached, prayed, and exhorted all to keep the Lord's Day, the
fast, and other Christian duties. Nevertheless, it took a long
time before Christianity really took hold of the Magyars, chiefly
on account of the deep gulf created between the priests and
their flocks, partly by the difference of language, partly by the
exceptional position which Stephanus had given the clergy in
the community, and which the clergy soon learned to utilize
for selfish purposes. Twice during the eleventh century there
occurred heavy relapses into paganism; in 1045, under King
Andreas, and in 1060, under King Bela.
§ 37. The Christianization of Russia.
NESTOR (monk of Kieff, the oldest Russian annalist, d. 5116) : AnnaZes,
or Chronicon (from the building of the Babylonian tower to 1093).
Continued by NIPHONTBS (Nifon) from 1116-1157, and by others
to 1676. Complete ed. in Russ by Pogodin, 1841, and with a Latin
version and glossary by Ir. MiMosisch, Vindobon, 1860. German
translation by Schfozer, Gottingen, 1802-'9, 5 vols. (incomplete).
J. G. STBITTER : Memories populorum olim ad Danubium, etc., incolentium
ex £yzant. Script. Petropoli, 1771. 4 vols. A collection of the
Byzantine sources.
K. M. KABAMSIK: History of Russia, 12 vols. St. Petersburg, 1816-29,
translated into German and French.
PH. STBAHL: Bettrdgezurruss.Zirchen-Geschichte(vQl.I.). Halle, 1827;
and Geschichte d. russ Kirche (vol. L). Halle, 1830 (incomplete).
A. N. MOURAVTEFF (late chamberlain to the Czar and TJnder-Procurator
of the Most Holy Synod) : A History of the Church of Ruwa (to the
founding of the Holy Synod in 1721). St. Petersburg, 1840, translated
into English by Eev. E. W. Blackmore. Oxford, 1862.
A. P. STANLEY: Lectures on the Eastern Church. Lee. IK.-XIL Lon-
don, 1862. ,
L. BOISSABD : Ueglise de fiussie. Paris, 1867, 2 vols.
The legend traces Christianity in Russia back to the Apostle
St. Andrew, who is especially revered by the Russians. Mou-
ravieff commences his history of the Russian church with these
words: " The Russian church, like the other Orthodox churches
of the East, had an apostle for its founder. St. Andrew, the
§ 37. THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF EUSSIA. 139
first called of the Twelve, hailed with his blessing long before-
hand the destined introduction of Christianity into our country.
Ascending up and penetrating by the Dniepr into the deserts of
Scythia, he planted the first cross on the hills of KieflJ and 'See
you/ said he to his disciples, ' those hills? On those hills shall
shine the light of divine grace. There shall be here a great city,
and God shall have in it many churches to His name/ Such
are the words of the holy Nestor that point from whence Chris-
tian Russia has sprung."
This tradition is an expansion of the report that Andrew
labored and died a martyr in Scythia,1 and nothing more.
In the ninth century the Russian tribes, inhabiting the Eastern
part of Europe, were gathered together under the rule of Ruric,
a Varangian prince,2 who from the coasts of the Baltic penetrated
into the centre of the present Russia, and was voluntarily accepted,
if not actually chosen.by the tribes as their chief. He is regarded
as the founder of the Russian empire, A.D. 862, which in 1862
celebrated its millennial anniversary. About the same time or
a little later the Russians became somewhat acquainted with
Christianity through their connections with the Byzantine em-
pire. The Eastern church, however, never developed any
great missionary activity, and when Photius, the patriarch of
Constantinople, in his circular letter against the Roman see,
speaks of the Russians as already converted at his time (867), a
few years after the founding of the empire, he certainly exagge-
rates. When, in 945, peace was concluded between the Russian
grand-duke, Igor, and the Byzantine emperor, some of the Rus-
sian soldiers took the oath in the name of Christ, but by far the
greatest number swore by Perun, the old Russian god. In Kieff,
on the Dniepr, the capital of the Russian realm, there was at that
time a Christian church, dedicated to Elijah, and in 955 the
grand-duchess, Olga, went to Constantinople and was baptized.
1 Euseb. IIL 1.
* The Varangians were a tribe of piratical Northmen, who made the Slavs
and Finns tributary.
140 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
She did not succeed, however, in persuading her son, Svatoslav,
to embrace the Christian faith.
The progress of Christianity among the Eussians was slow
until the grand-duke VLADIMIR (980-1015), a grandson of Olga,
and revered as Isapostolos (" Equal to an Apostle ") with one
sweep established it as the religion of the country. The narra-
tive of this event by Nestor is very dramatic. Envoys from the
Greek and the Eoman churches, from the Mohammedans and
the Jews (settled among the Chazares) came to Vladimir to per-
suade him to leave his old gods. He hesitated and did not know
which of the new religions he should choose. Finally he deter-
mined to send wise men from among his own people to the vari-
ous places to investigate the matter. The envoys were so power-
fully impressed by a picture of the last judgment and by the
service in the church of St. Sophia in Constantinople, that the
question at once was settled in favor of the religion of the By-
zantine court*
Vladimir, however, would not introduce it without compensa-
tion. He was staying at Cherson in the Crimea, which he had
just taken and sacked, and thence he sent word to the emperor
Basil, that he had determined either to adopt Christianity and
receive the emperor's sister, Anne, in marriage, or to go to Con-
stantinople and do to that city as he had done to Cherson. He
married Anne, and was baptized on the day of his wedding,
A.D. 988.
As soon as he was baptized preparations were made for the
baptism of his people. The wooden image of Perun was dragged
at a horse's tail through the country, soundly flogged by all
passers-by, and finally thrown into the Dniepr. Next, at a given
hour, all the people of Kieff, men, women and children, descended
into the river, while the grand Duke kneeled, and the Christian
priests read the prayers from the top of the cliffs on the shore.
JSTestor, the Eussian monk and annalist, thus describes the scene:
"Some stood in the water up to their necks, others up to their
breasts, holding their young children in their aims; the priesta
g 37. THE COaEISTIANIZATION OF EUSSIA. 141
read the prayers from the shore, naming at once whole compa-
nies by the same name. It was a sight wonderfully curious and
beautiful to behold; and when the people were baptized, each
returned to his own home."
Thus Hie Eussian nation was converted in wholesale style to
Christianity by despotic power. It is characteristic of the su-
preme influence of the ruler and the slavish submission of
the subjects in that country. Nevertheless, at its first entrance
in Eussia, Christianity penetrated deeper into the life of the
people than it did in any other countiy, without, however,
bringing about a corresponding thorough moral transformation.
Only a comparatively short period elapsed, before a complete
union of the forms of religion and the nationality took place.
Every event in the history of the nation, yea, every event in
the life of the individual was looked upon from a religious point
of view, and referred to some distinctly religious idea. The
explanation of this striking phenomenon is due in part to CyrilPs
translation of the Bible into the Slavic language, which had
been driven out from Moravia and Bohemia by the Eoman
priests, and was now brought from Bulgaria into Russia, where
it took root. While the Eoman church always insisted upon the
exclusive use of the Latin translation of the Bible and the Latin
language in divine service, the Greek church always allowed the
use of the vernacular. Under its auspices there were produced
translations into the Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, and Slavic lan-
guages, and the effects of this principle were, at least in Eussia,
most beneficial. During the reign of Vladimir's successor, Ja-
roslaff, 1019-1054, not only were churches and monasteries and
schools built all over the country, but Greek theological books
were translated, and the Eussian church had, at an early date, a
religious literature in the native tongue of the people. Jaroslaff,
by his celebrated code of kws, became the Justinian of Eussia.
The Czars and people of Eussia have ever since fidthfully
adhered to the Oriental church which grew with tike growth of
the empire all along the Northern line of two Continents. As
142 FOUETK PEEIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
in the West, so in Russia, monasticism was the chief institution
for the spread of Christianity among heathen savages. Hilarion
(afterwards Metropolitan), Anthony, Theodosius, Sergius, Laza-
rus, are prominent names in the early history of Russian monas-
ticism.
The subsequent history of the Russian church is isolated from
the main current of history, and almost barren of events till the
age of Nikon and Peter the Great. At first she was dependent
on the patriarch of Constantinople. In 1325 Moscow was
founded, and became, in the place of Kieff, the Russian Rome,
with a metropolitan, who after the fall of Constantinople became
independent (1461), and a century later was raised to the dig-
nity of one of the five patriarchs of the Eastern Church (1587).
But Peter the Great made the Northern city of his own found-
ing the ecclesiastical as well as the political metropolis, and
transferred the authority of the patriarchate of Moscow to the
"Holy Synod" (1721), which permanently resides in St. Peters-
burg and constitutes the highest ecclesiastical judicatory of
Russia under the csesaropapal rule of the Czar, the most power-
ful rival of the Roman Pope.
38. MOHAMMEDANISM LITERATURE. 143
CHAPTER HI.
MOHAMMEDANISM IN ITS RELATION TO CHRISTIANITY.1
" There is no God but God, and Mohammed is his apostle."— Tht
Koran.
"There is one God and one Mediator between God and men, the
man Christ Jesus, who gave himself a ransom for all." — 1 Tim. ii. 5, 6.
§ 38. Literature.
See A. SPRBKGEE'S JBibliotheca Onentalls Sprengena.no,. Giessen, 1857,
W. MUIR : Life of Mahomet, Vol. L, ch. 1. Muir discusses especially the
value of Mohammedan traditions.
OH. FBIEDBICI: JBibliotheca Orientalis. London (Triibner & Co.) 1875 sqq.
i. SOURCES.
L The KORAN or AL-KORAN. The chief source. The Mohammedan
Bible, claiming to be given by inspiration to Mohammed during the
course of twenty years. About twice as large as the New Testament
The best Arabic MSB., often most beautifully written, are in the
Mosques of Cairo, Damascus, Constantinople, and Paris ; the largest
collection in the library of the Khedive in Cairo. Printed editions in
Arabic by HunKELMANK (Hamburg, 1694) ; MOLLA OSMAN ISMAEL
(St. Petersburg, 1787 and 1803) ; G. FLTJGEL (Leipz., 1834) ; revised
by REDSLOB (1837, 1842, 1858). Arabice etLatine, ed. L. MARACCIUS,
Patav., 1698, 2 vols., fol. (Alcorani textus universus, with notes and
refutation). A lithographed edition of the Arabic text appeared at
Lucknow in India, 1878 (A. H. 1296).
The standard English translations : in prose by GEO. SALE (first publ.,
Lond., 1734, also 1801, 1825, PMlad., 1833, etc.), wtth a learned and
valuable preliminary discourse and notes; in the metre, but without the
1 Mahomet and Mahometanim, is the usual, but Mohammad, Muhammad, or
Mohammed, Mohammedanism, is the more correct spelling in English. Sale,
Dentsch, B. Smith, Khan Bahador, and others, spell Mohammed; Sprenger,
Mohammad; Noldeke, Muhammed; Gibbon, Carlyle and Muir, retain Mahomet*
The word means: the Praised) the Glorified, the Ittwfrious; but according to
Sprenger and Deutsch, the Dewred, perhaps with reference to the Messianic
interpretation of "the Desire of all nations/' Hagg. 2: 7. See on the name,
Sprenger, 1. 155 sqq., and Deutsch, p. 68 note.
144 FOURTH PEBIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
rhyme, of the original by J. M. RODWELL (Lond., 1861, 2d ed. 1876,
the Suras arranged in chronological order). A new transl. in prose by
E. H. PALME& (Oxford, 1880, 2 vols.) in M. Mailer's "Sacred Books
of the East." Parts <>re admirably translated by EDWARD W. LANE.
French translation by SAVABY, Paris, 1783, 2 vols.; enlarged edition
by GABCHT DB TASSY, 1829, in 3 vols.; another by M. KASIMIBSKI,
Paris, 1847, and 1873-
German translations by WAHL (Halle, 1828), L. ULLMAira (Bielefeld,
i840, 4th ed. 1857), and parts by HAMMER vosr PXTBGSTALL (in the
Fimdgruben des Orients), and SPBENGEB (in Das Leben und die Lehre des
Mohammad).
2. Secondary sources on the Life of Moh. and the origin of Isl£m are
the numerous poems of contemporaries, especially in IBBT ISHAC,
and the collections of the sayings of Moh., especially the SAHIH
(i. e. The True, the Genuine) of AZbuGhari (d. 871). Also the early
Commentaries on the Koran, which explain difficult passages, recon-
cile the contradictions, and insert traditional sayings and legends.
See Sprenger, IIL CIV.sqq.
n. WORKS oisr THE KORAN.
TH. NOLDEKE: Geschichte des Quor&ns, (History of the Koran), Gottingen,
1860 ; and his art. in the " Encycl. Brit.," 9th ed. XVI. 597-606.
GABCTET DE TASSY: L'Islamime d'apre? k Goran Fenseignement doctrinal
et la pratique, 3d ed. Paris, 1874.
GTTSTAV WEIL: Ifist. MM&che Einldtung in den Kwan* Bielefeld und
Leipz., 1844, 2d ed., 1878.
SIB WILLIAM MuiB: The Goran. Its Composition and Teaching; and
the Testimony it bears to the Holy /Scriptures. (Allahabad, 1860),
3d ed, Lond., 1878.
SPBENGEB, 1. c., HI., pp. xviii.-cxx.
m. BIOGEAPHIES OF MOHAMMED.
1. Mohammedan biographers.
ZOHBI (the oldest, died after the Hegira 124).
IBIT IsHio (or IBNT ISHAK, d. A. H. 151, or A. D. 773), ed. in Arabic
from MSS. by Wustenfeld, Gott, 1858-60, transkted by Weil, Stuttg.,
1864.
IBIST (Tbni) HTSH^M (d. A. H. 213, A.D. 835), also ed*by Wustenfeld,
and translated by Wdl> 1864
KATIB AL WAQTJIDI (or W!CKEDEE, WACKIDI, d. at Bagdad A. H. 207,
A. D. 829), a man of prodigious learning, who collected the tradi-
tions, and left six hundred chests of books (Sprenger, HI., LXXL),
and his secretary, MTTKAMMAP IBN SlAD (d. A. EL 230, A. D. 852),
who arranged, abridged, and completed the biographical works of
238 MOHAMMEDANISM. LITERATDEE. 145
his master in twelve or fifteen for. vols. ; the first vol. contains the biog-
raphy of Moh., and is preferred by Muir and Sprenger to all others.
German transl. by WELLHAUSEIST : Muhammed in Medina. From
the Arabic of VaUdi. Berlin, 1882.
TABARI (or TIBREE, d. A. H. 310, A. D. 932), called by Gibbon "the
Livy of the Arabians."
Muir says (I., GUI.) : "To the three biographies by IBN* HISHAM, by
WiCKiDi, and his secretary, and by TABARI, the judicious historian of
Mahomet will, as his original authorities, confine himself. He will also
receive, with a similar respect, such traditions in the general collections
of the earliest traditionists — Bokh&ri, Muslim, Tirmidzi, etc., — as may
bear upon his subject. But he will reject as evidence all later authors."
ABULFEDA (or ABULFIDA, d. 1331), once considered the chief authority,
now set aside by much older sources.
*SYED AHMED KHAN BAHADOR (member of the Eoyal Asiatic Society) :
A Series of Essays on the Life of Mohammed. London (Trubner &
Co.), 1870. He wrote also a "Mohammedan Commentary on the
Holy Bible." He begins with the sentence: "In, nomine Dd Jfiseri-
cordis Miseratoris. Of all the innumerable wonders of the universe,
the most marvellous is religion"
SYED AMEER ALI, MOXTLVE (a Mohammedan lawyer, and brother of
the former) : A Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of
Mohammed. London 1873. A defense of Moh. chiefly drawn irom
Ibn-Hishfim (and Ibn-al Athir (1160-1223).
2. Christian Biographies.
DEAJST PRIDEAUX (d. 1724) : Life of Mahomet, 1697, 7th ed. Lond., 1718.
Very unfavorable.
COOTTT BOXTLINVILLIERS : The Life of Mahomet. Transl. from the French.
LonA, 1731.
JEAK GACKNTER (d. 1740) : La me de Mahomet, 1732, 2 vote., etc. Am-
sterd. 1748, 3 vols. Chiefly from Abulfeda and the Sonna. He also
translated Abulfeda.
*GIBBOK: Decline and Fatt, etc. (1788), chs. 50-52. Although not an
Arabic scholar, Gibbon made the best use of the sources then acces-
sible in Latin, French, and English, and gives a brilliant and, upon
the whole, impartial picture.
*GusTAV WEIL: Mohammed der Prophet, sein Lebrn und seine lehre.
Stuttgart, 1843* Comp. also his tonslation of Ion Ish&c, and Ion
ffishdm, Stuttgart, 1864, 2 vols.; and his Siblische Legenden der
Muselmanner aus araUschen, Qpetten und mti jtid. Sagen verglichen.
Frcf.,1845. The last is also transl. into English.
TH. CABLYLB: The Sera as Prophet, in his Heross Hero- Worship and
L46 FOUBTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
the Heroic in History. London, 1840. A mere sketch, but full of
genius and stimulating hints- He says : " We have chosen Mahomet
not as the most eminent prophet, but as the one we are freest to
speak of. He is by no means the truest of prophets, but 1 esteem
him a true one. Farther, as there is no danger of our becoming,
any of us, Mahometans, I mean to say all the good of him I justly
can. It is the way to get at his secret."
WASHINGTON IRVING : Ma/tomet and His Followers. N. Y., 1850. 2 vola,
GEORGE BUSH: The Life of Mohammed. New York (Harpers J.
*SiR WILLIAM MUIR (of the Bengal Civil Service) : The Life of Mahomet.
With introductory chapters on the original sources for the biography of
Mahometj and on the pre-Isfamite history of Arabia. Lond., 1858-1861,
4 vols. Learned, able, and feir. Abridgement in 1 vol. Lond., 1877.
*A. SPRENGBR: First an English biography printed at Allahabad, 1851,
and then a more complete one in German, Das Leben und die Lehre
des Mohammad. Nach bisher grossteniheils unbenutzten Quellen. Ber-
lin, 1861-65, 2d ed. 1869, 3 vols. This work is based on original
and Arabic sources, and long personal intercourse with Mohamme-
dans in India, but is not a well digested philosophical biography.
*THEOD. NOLDEKE: Das Lebem, Muhammeds. Hanover, 1863. Comp. his
elaborate art. in Vol. XVIII. of Herzog's Heal-Encyd., first ed.
E. EENAN : Mahomet, et ks origines de Fisfamime, in his " Etudes de This-
toire relig ," 7th ed. Par., 1864.
BARTHELEMY SAINT-HILAIRE: Mahomet etkCoran. Paris, 1865. Based
on Sprenger and Muir.
CH. SCHOLL : L' Islam et son Fondateur. Paris, 1874.
E. BOSWORTH SMITH (Assistant Master in Harrow School) : Mohammed
and Mohammedanism. Lond. 1874, reprinted New York, 1875.
J. W. H. STOBART: Islam and its Founder. London, 1876.
J. WELLHATTSEN: Art. Moh. in the "Encycl. Brit." 9th ed. vol. XVI.
545-565.
IV. HISTORY OP THE ARABS AND TURKS.
*Jos. vow HAMMER-PURGSTALL: Geschichte des omanischen Seiches.
Pesth, 1827-34, 10 vols. A smaller ed. in 4 vols. This standard work
is the result of thirty years' labor, and brings the history down to 1774
By the same: Ltteratwrgeschichte der Araber. Wien, 1850-'57> 7 vols.
*GL WEIL : Oesch. der Chalifen. Mannheim, 1846-61, 3 vola.
*CAUSSIN DE PERCEVAL: fissai sur Fhistoire des Arabes. Paris, 1848, 3 vols.
*EDWARD A. FREEMAN (D.C.L., LL,D.) : History and Conquests of the
Saracens. Lond., 1856, 3d ed. 1876.
EGBERT DTTRIE OSBORN (Major of the Bengal Staff Corps) : Islam under
the Arabs. London., 1876; Islam under the KhaJK/s of Baghdad.
London, 1877.
SIR EDWARD S. CREASY: History of the Ottoman Turks from the Begto
g 38. MOHAMMEDANISM. LITERATURE. 147
ning of their Empire to the present Time. Lond., 2d ed. 1877. Chiefly
founded on von Hammer.
TH. NOLDEKE : Qeschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zett der fiasaniden.
Aus der arabiscfien Chronik des Tdbari ubersetzt. Leyden, 1879.
Sir WM. MuiR : Annals of the Early Caliphate. London 1883.
V. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE MOHAMMEDANS.
JOH. LUDWIG BUBCKHARDT: Travels in Nubia, 1819; Travels in Syria
and Palestine, 1823 ; Notes on the Bedouins, 1830.
*EDW. W. LANE: Modern Egyptians. Lond., 1836, 5th ed. 1871, in 2 yols.
*BlCH. F. BURTON: Personal narrative of a Pilgrimage to ElMedinahand
Meccah, Lond. 1856, 3 vols.
C. B. KLUNZINGBR: Upper Egypt: its Peopk and its Products. A de-
scriptive Account of the Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Occupa-
tions of the People of the Nile Valley, the Desert, and the Red Sea Coast.
New York, 1878. A valuable supplement to Lane.
Books of Eastern Travel, especially on Egypt and Turkey. BAHRDT'S
Travels in Central Africa (1857), PALGRAVE'S Arabia (1867), etc.
VI. RELATION OF MOHAMMEDANISM TO JUDAISM.
*ABRAHAM GEIGER: Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthum aufgenom-
menf Bonn, 1833*
HARTWIG HIRSCHFELD : Judische Elemente im Koran. Berlin, 1878.
VII. MOHAMMEDANISM AS A RELIGION, AND IN ITS RELATION TO
CHRISTIANITY.
L. MARACCI: Prodromus ad refutationem Akorani. Rom., 1691, 4 vols.
S. LEE: Controversial Tracts on Christianity and Mahometanism. 1824.
J. D6LLINGER (R. 0.) . Mohammed's Religion nach ihrer innern fhitwicfa
lung u. ihrem Einfluss auf das Leben der Vol&er. Regensb. 1838.
A, M5HLER (R. C.) : Das Verhaltnm des Islam zum Christenthum (in his
" Gesammelte Schriften "). Regensb., 1839.
0. F. GEROCK: Versuch einer Darstellung der Christokgie des Koran.
Hamburg und Gotha, 1839.
J. H. NEWMAN (R. 0.) : The Twrfa in their relation to Europe (written in
1853), in his " Historical Sketches." London, 1872, pp. 1-237.
DEAN ARTHUR P. STANTLE Y : Mahometanism and its relations to the East-
ern Church (in Lectures on the "History of the Eastern Church."
London and New York, 1862, pp. 360-387). A picturesque sketch.
DEAN MILMAN: History of Latin Christianity, Book IV., chs. 1 and 2.
(Vol. H. p. 109).
THEOD. NSLDEKE: Art. Muhammedund der Islam, in HERZOG'S " Beal-
Encyclop." Vol. XVIIL (1864), pp. 767-820.
*EMAK DBTITSOH: Islam, in his "liter. Bemains." Lond. and N. York,
1874, pp. 50-134. The article originally appeared in the London
148 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
" Quarterly Review " for Oct. 1869, and is also printed at the end of
the New York (Harper) ed. of R Bosworth Smith's Mohammed.
JSeports of the General Missionary Conference at Allahabad, 1873.
J. MfJHLEiSEsr ARKOLD (formerly chaplain at Batavia) : Islam: its Sis.
tory, Character, and delation, to Christianity. Lond., 1874, 3d ed.
GUSTAV. EOSCH: J)ie Jesusmythen des Islam, in the "Studien und Kriti-
ken." Gotha, 1876. (No. HI. pp. 409-454).
MARCUS DODS: Mohammed, Buddha, and Christ. Lond. 2d ed. 1878.
CH. A. AIKEBT : Mohamjnedanism as a Missionary Religion. In the " Bib-
liotheca Sacra," of Andover for 1879, p. 157.
ARCHBISHOP TRENCH: Lectures on Mediceval Church History (Lect. IV.
45-58). London, 1877.
HENRY H. JESSUP ( Amer. Presbyt. missionary at Beirut) : The Moham-
medan Missionary Problem. Philadelphia, 1879.
EDOTFARD SATOTIS : Jesus ' Christ tfaprte Mahomet. Paris 1880.
G. P. BADGER: Muhdmmed in Smith and Wace, III. 951-998.
§ 39. Statistics and Chronological Table.
ESTIMATE OF THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION (According to Keith Johnston),
In Asia, ........... 112,739,000
In Africa, ........... 50,416,000
In Europe, .......... 5,974,000
Total, ..... . 169,129,000
ItfOTT VMTVT Kii A.1JT8 UNDER 0 fjjffiypTA'Nr GOVERNMEHTS.
England in India roles over ....... 41,000,000
Bussia in Central Asia rules over ....... 6,000,000
France in Africa rules over ...... 2,000,000
Holland in Java and Celebes rules over ..... 1,000,000
Total, ....... 50,000,000
A. D. CHRONOLOGICAL SURVEY.
570. Birth of Mohammed, at Mecca.
610. Mohammed received the visions of Gabriel and began his career as a
prophet. (Conversion of the Anglo-Saxons).
622. The Hegira, or the flight of Mohammed from Mecca to Medina. Begin-
ning of the Mohammedan era.
632. (June 8) Death of Mohammed at Medina,
632. Abu Bekr, first Caliph or successor of Mohammed
636. Capture of Jerusalem by the Caliph Omar.
640. Capture of Alexandria by Omar.
711. Tharyk crosses the Straits from Africa to Europe, and calls the mountain
Jebel Tharyk (Gibraltar).
732. Battle of Poitiers and Tours; Abd-er-Eahman defeated by Charles Martel;
I 39. MOHAMMEDANISM, STATISTICS AND CHBON. TABLE. 149
786-309. Haroun al Bashld, Caliph of Bagdad. Golden era of Mohammed-
anism. (Correspondence with Charlemagne).
1063. Allp Arslan, Seljukian Turkish prince.
1096. The First Crusade. Capture of Jerusalem by Godfrey of Bouillon.
1187. Saladin, the Sultan of ICgypt and scourge of the Crusaders, conquers at
Tiberias and takes Jerusalem, (1187) ; is defeated by Eichard Cceur
de Lion at Askelon, and dies 1193. Decline of the Crusades.
1288-1326. Eeign of Othman, founder of the Ottoman (Turkish) dynasty.
1453. Capture of Constantinople by Mohammed II., "the Conqueror," and
founder of the greatness of Turkey. (Exodus of Greek scholars to
Southern Europe; the Greek Testament brought to the West; the
revival of letters.)
1492. July 2. Boabdil (or Abou Abdallah) defeated by Ferdinand at Granada ;
end of Moslem rule in Spain. (Discovery of America by Columbus).
1517. Ottoman Sultan Selim I. conquers Egypt, wrests the caliphate from the
Arab line of the Koreish through Motawekkel Billah, and transfers it
to the Ottoman Sultans ; Ottoman caliphate never acknowledged by
Persian or Moorish Moslems. (The Eeformation.)
1521-1566. Solyman II , "the Magnificent," marks the zenith of the military
power of the Turks; takes Belgrade (1521), defeats the Hungarians
(1526), but is repulsed from Vienna (1529 and 1532).
1571. Defeat of Selim II. at the naval battle of Lepanto by the Christian powers
under Don John of Austria. Beginning of the decline of the Turkish
power.
1683. Final repulse of the Turks at the gates of Vienna by John Sobieski,
king of Poland, Sept. 12 ; Eastern Europe saved from Moslem rule.
1792. Peace at Jassy in Moldavia, which made the Dniester the frontier between
Eussia and Turkey.
1827. Annihilation of the Turko-Egyptian fleet by the combined squadrons of
England, France, and Eussia, in the battle of Navarino, October 20.
Treaty of Adrianople, 1829. Independence of the kingdom of Greece,
1832.
1856. End of Crimean War ; Turkey saved by England and France aiding the
Sultan against the aggression of Bussia; Treaty of Paris; European
agreement not to interfere in the domestic affairs of Turkey.
1878. Defeatof the Turksby Eussia; but checked by the interference of England
under the lead of Lord Beaconsfield. Congress of the European pow-
ers, and Treaty of Berlin ; independence of Bulgaria secured ; Anglo-
Turkish Treaty; England occupies Cyprus — agrees to defend the fron-
tier of Asiatic Turkey against Eussia, on condition that the Sultan
execute fundamental reforms in Asiatic Turkey.
1880. Supplementary Conference at Berlin. Eectification and enlargement of
the boundary of Montenegro and Greece.
150 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
§ 40. Position of Mohammedanism in Church History.
While new races and countries in Northern and Western
Europe, unknown to the apostles, were added to the Christian
Church, we behold in Asia and Africa the opposite spectacle of
the rise and progress of a rival religion which is now acknow-
ledged by more than one-tenth of the inhabitants of the globe.
It is called "Mohammedanism" from its founder, or "Isl&m,"
from its chief virtue, which is absolute surrender to the one true
God. Like Christianity, it had its birth in the Shemitic race, the
parent of the three monotheistic religions, but in an obscure and
even desert district, and had a more rapid, though less enduring
success.
But what a difference in the means employed and the results
reached ! Christianity made its conquest by peaceful missiona-
ries and the power of persuasion, and carried with it the blessings
of home, freedom and civilization. Mohammedanism conquered
the fairest portions of the earth by the sword and cursed them
by polygamy, slavery, despotism and desolation. The moving
power of Christian missions was love to God and man; the
moving power of Isl£m was fanaticism and brute force. Chris-
tianity has found a home among all nations and climes j Moham-
medanism, although it made a most vigorous effort to conquer
the world, is after all a religion of the desert, of the tent and the
caravan, and confined to nomad and savage or half-civilized
nations, chiefly Arabs, Persians, and Turks. It never made an
impression on Europe except by brute force ; it is only encamped,
not really domesticated, in Constantinople, and when it must
withdraw from Europe it will leave no trace behind.
IsUm in its conquering march took forcible possession of the
lands of the Bible, and the Greek church, seized the throne of
Constantine, overran Spain, crossed the Pyrenees, and for a long
time threatened even the church of Rome and the German empire,
until it was finally repulsed beneath the walls of Vienna. The
Crusades which figure so prominently in the history of mediaeval
2 40. POSITION OP MOHAMMEDANISM, ETC. 151
Christianity, originated in the desire to wrest the holy land from
the followers of " the false prophet," and brought the East in
contact with the "West. The monarchy and the church of Spain,
with their architecture, chivalry, bigotry, and inquisition, emerged
from a fierce conflict with the Moors. Even the Reformation in
the sixteenth century was complicated with the Turkish question,
which occupied the attention of the diet of Augsburg as much as
the Confession of the Evangelical princes and divines. Luther,
in one of his most popular hymns, prays for deliverance from
"the murdering Pope and Turk," as the two chief enemies of
the gospel1; and the Anglican Prayer Book, in the collect for
Good Friday, invokes God " to have mercy upon all Turks/'
as well as upon " Jews, Infidels, and Heretics." 2
The danger for Western Christendom from that quarter has
long since passed away; the "unspeakable" Turk has ceased to
be unconquerable, but the Asiatic and a part of the East Euro-
pean portion of the Greek church are still subject to the despotic
rule of the Sultan, whose throne in Constantinople has been for
more than four hundred years a standing insult to Christendom.
Mohammedanism then figures as a hostile force, as a real Ish-
maelite in church history; it is the only formidable rival which
Christianity ever had, the only religion which for a while at least
aspired to universal empire.
And yet it is not hostile only. It has not been without bene-
ficial effect upon Western civilization. It aided in the develop-
ment of chivalry; it influenced Christian architecture; it stimu-
lated the study of mathematics, chemistry, medicine (as is indicated
by the technical terms: algebra, chemistry, alchemy); and the
Arabic translations and commentaries on Aristotle by the Spanish
1 "ErhdUuns, JHerr, M deinem, Wort,
Und stew* des Papsts wd Turken Mvrd."
* The words "all Jews, Turks, Infidels, and Heretics," were inserted by the
framers of the Prayer Book in the first edition (1547) ; the rest of the collect is
translated from the old Latin service. In the middle ages the word " infidel"
denoted a Mohammedan. The Mohammedans in turn call Christians, Jews,
and all other religionists, "infidels" and "dogs."
152 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
Moors laid the philosophical foundation of scholasticism. Even
the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks brought an in-
estimable blessing to the West by driving Greek scholars with
the Greek Testament to Italy to inaugurate there the revival
of letters which prepared the way for the Protestant Reformation.
Viewed in its relation to the Eastern Church which it robbed
of the fairest dominions, Mohammedanism was a well-deserved
divine punishment for the unfruitful speculations, bitter conten-
tions, empty ceremonialism and virtual idolatry which degraded
and disgraced the Christianity of the East after the fifth century.
The easence o*f true religion, love to God and to man, was eaten
out by rancor and strife, and there was left no power of ultimate
resistance to the foreign conqueror. The hatred between the
orthodox Eastern church and the Eastern schismatics driven
from her communion, and the jealousy between the Greek
and Latin churches prevented them from aiding each other in
efforts to arrest the progress of the common foe. The Greeks
detested the Latin Filiogue as a heresy more deadly than Islam;
while the Latins cared more for the supremacy of the Pope than the
triumph of Christianity, and set up during the Crusades a rival
hierarchy in the East. Even now Greek and Latin monks in
Bethlehem and Jerusalem are apt to fight at Christmas and Eas-
ter over the cradle and the grave of their common Lord and
Redeemer, unless Turkish soldiers keep them in order I1
But viewed in relation to the heathenism from which it arose
or which it converted, Mahommedanism is a vast progress, and
1 Archbishop Trench, /. c. p. 54 : " We can regard Mohammedanism in no
other light than as a scourge of God upon a guilty church. He will not give
his glory to another. He will not suffer the Creator and the creature to be
confounded; and if those who should have been witnesses for the truth, who
had been appointed thereunto, forsake, forget, or deny it, He will raise up wit-
nesses from quarters the most unlocked for, and will strengthen their hands aud
give victory to their arms even against those who bear his name, but have for-
gotten his truth." Similarly Dr. Jessup, I c. p* 14: "The Mohammedan reli-
gion arose, in the providence of God, as a scourge to the idolatrous Christianity,
and the pagan systems of Asia and Africa— a protest against polytheism, and a
preparation for the future conversion to a pure Christianity of the multitude
5 40. POSITION OF MOHAMMEDANISM ETC. 153
may ultimately be a stepping-stone to Christianity, like the law
of Moses which served as a schoolmaster to lead men to the gos-
pel. It has destroyed the power of idolatry in Arabia and a large
part of Asia and Africa, and raised Tartars and Negroes from the
rudest forms of superstition to the belief and worship of the one
true God, and to a certain degree of civilization.
It should be mentioned, however, that, according to the testi-
mony of missionaries and African travelers, Mohammedanism
has inflamed the simple minded African tribes with the impure
fire of fanaticism and given them greater power of resistance to
Christianity. Sir William Muir, a very competent judge, thinks
that Mohammedanism by the poisoning influence of polygamy
and slavery, and by crushing all freedom of judgment in religion
has interposed the most effectual barrier against the reception of
Christianity. " No system/7 he says, " could have been devised
with more consummate skill for shutting out the nations over
which it has sway, from the light of truth. Idolatrous Arabs
might have been aroused to spiritual life and to the adoption of
the faith of Jesus; Mahometan Arabia is, to the human eye,
sealed against the benign influences of the gospel. . . . The sword
of Mahomet and the Goran are the most fatal enemies of civiliza-
tion, liberty, and truth." *
This is no doubt true of the past. But we have not yet seen
the end of this historical problem. It is not impossible that Isl&m
may yet prove to be a necessary condition for the revival of a
pure Scriptural religion in the East. Protestant missionaries
from England and America enjoy greater liberty under the Mo-
hammedan rule than they would under a Greek or [Russian
who have fallen under its extraordinary power." Carlyle calls the creed of Mo-
hammed "a kind of Christianity better than that of those miserable Syrian
Sects with the head fall of worthless noise, the heart empty and dead. The
truth of it is imbedded in portentous error and falsehood ; but the truth makes
it to be believed, not the falsehood: it succeeded by its truth. A bastard kind
of Christianity, but a living kind; with a heart-life in it; not dead, chopping,
barren logic merely.'1
1 Life of Mohamet, IV. 321, 322.
154 FOURTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
government. The Mohammedan abhorrence of idolatry and
image worship, Mohammedan simplicity and temperance are
points of contact with the evangelical iype of Christianity, which
from the extreme West has established flourishing missions in the
most important parts of Turkey. The Greek Church can do
little or nothing with the Mohammedans ; if they are to be con-
verted it must be done by a Christianity which is free from all
appearance of idolatry, more simple in worship, and more vigorous
in life than that which they have so easily conquered and learned
to despise. It is an encouraging fact that Mohammedans have
great respect for the Anglo-Saxon race. They now swear by the
word of an Englishman as much as by the beard of Mohammed.
IslAm is still a great religious power in the East. It rules
supreme in Syria, Palestine, Asia Minor, Egypt, North Africa,
and makes progress among the savage tribes in the interior of the
Dark Continent. It is by no means simply, as Schlegel charac-
terized the system, "a prophet without miracles, a faith without
mysteries, and a morality without love." It has tenacity, aggres-
sive vitality and intense enthusiasm. Every traveller in the Ori-
ent must be struck with the power of its simple monotheism upon
its followers. A visit to the Moslem University in the Mosque
El Azhar at Cairo is very instructive. It dates from the tenth
century (975), and numbers (or numbered in 1877, when I visited
it) no less than ten thousand students who come from all parts
of the Mohammedan world and present the appearance of a huge
Sunday School, seated in small groups on the floor, studying the
Koran as the beginning and end of all wisdom, and then at the
stated hours for prayer rising to perform their devotions under
the lead of their teachers. They live in primitive simplicity,
studying, eating and sleeping on a blanket or straw mat in the
same mosque, but the expression of their faces betrays the fanatic-
al devotion to their creed. They support themselves, or are
aided by the alms of the faithful. The teachers (over three hun-
dred) receive no salary and live by private instruction or presents
from rich scholars.
2 41. THE HOME, AND THE ANTECEDENTS OF ISLAM. 155
Nevertheless the power of Isl&m, like its symbol, the moon,
is disappearing before the sun of Christianity which is rising once
more over the Eastern horizon. Nearly one-third of its follow-
ers are under Christian (mostly English) role. It is essentially
a jjoZfifoco-religious system, and Turkey is its stronghold. The
Sultan has long been a " sick man/' and owes his life to the for-
bearance and jealousy of the Christian powers. Sooner or later
he will be driven out of Europe, to Brusa or -Mecca. The colos-
sal empire of Russia is the hereditary enemy of Turkey, and
would have destroyed her in the wars of 1854 and 1877, if Cath-
olic France and Protestant England had not come to her aid.
In the meantime the silent influences of European civilization
and Christian missions are undermining the foundations of Tur-
key, and preparing the way for a religious, moral and social
regeneration and transformation of the East. <e God's mills grind
slowly, but surely and wonderfully fine." A thousand years
before Him are as one day, and one day may do the work of a
thousand years.
§ 41. The Home, and the Antecedents of Islhm.
On the Aborigines of Arabia and its religious condition before Islam,
compare the preliminary discourse of S-Ai/E, Sect. 1 and 2; MUIB,
L ch. 2d; SpBEffGER, 1, 13-02, and STOBABT, ch. 1.
The fatherland of Isl&m is Arabia, a peninsula between the
Bed Sea, the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf. It is covered
with sandy deserts, barren hills, rSek-bound coasts, fertile wadies,
and rich pastures. It is inhabited by nomadic tribes and traders
who claim descent from five patriarchal stocks, Gush, Shem,
Ishmael, Keturah, and Esau. It was divided by the ancients
into Arabia Deserta, Arabia Petraea (the Sinai district with Petra
as the capital), and Arabia Felix (El-Yemen, i. e. the land on
the right hand, or of the South). Most of its rivers are swelled
by periodical rains and then lose themselves in the sandy plains;
few reach the ocean ; none of them is navigable. It is a land of
grim deserts and strips of green verdure, of drought and barren-
156 FOUKTH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
ness, violent rains, clear skies, tropical heat, date palms, aromatic
herbs, coffee, balsam, myrrh, frankincense, and dhurra (which
takes the place of grain). Its chief animals are the camel, "the
ship of the desert," an excellent breed of horses, sheep, and goats.
The desert, like the ocean, is not without its grandeur. It cre-
ates the impression of infinitude, it fosters silence and meditation
on God and eternity. Man is there alone with God. The Ara-
bian desert gave birth to some of the sublimest compositions, the
ode of liberty by Miriam, the ninetieth Psalm by Moses, the
book of Job, which Carlyle calls "the grandest poem written by
the pen of man."
The Arabs love a roaming life, are simple and temperate, cour-
teous, respectful, hospitable, imaginative, fond of poetry and
eloquence, careless of human life, revengeful, sensual, and fanatic-
al. Arabia, protected by its deserts, was never properly con-
quered by a foreign nation.
The religious capital of Isl4m, and the birthplace of its founder
— its Jerusalem and Borne — is MECCA (or Mekka), one of the
oldest cities of Arabia. It is situated sixty-five miles East of
Jiddah on the Eed Sea, two hundred and forty-five miles South
of Medinaj,in a narrow and sterile valley and shut in by bare
hills. It numbered in its days of prosperity over one hundred
thousand inhabitants, now only about forty-five thousand. It
stands under the immediate control of the Sultan. The streets
are broad, but unpaved, dusty in summer, muddy id winter.
The houses are built of brick or stone, three or four stories high ;
the rooms better furnished than is usual in the East. They are
a chief source of revenue by being let to the pilgrims. There is
scarcely a garden or cultivated field in and around Mecca, and
only here and there a thorny acacia and stunted brushwood
relieves the eye. The city derives all its fruit — watermelons,
dates, cucumbers, limes, grapes, apricots, figs, almonds — from
T4if and Wady Fatima, which during the pilgrimage season
send more than one hundred camels daily to the capital. The
inhabitants are indolent, though avaricious, and make their living
1 41. THE HOME, AOT> THE ANTECEDENT OF ISLAM. 157
chiefly of the pilgrims who annually flock thither by thousands
and tens of thousands from all parts of the Mohammedan world.
None but Moslems are allowed to enter Mecca, but a few Chris-
tian travellers — All Bey (the assumed name of the Spaniard,
Domingo Badia y Leblich, d. 1818), Burckhardt in 1814, Bur-
ton in 1852, Maltzan in 1862, Keane in 1880— have visited it in
Mussulman disguise, and at the risk of their lives. To them we
owe our knowledge of the place.1
The most holy place in Mecca is AL-£AABA, a small ob-
long temple, so called from its cubic form.2 To it the faces
of millions of Moslems are devoutly turned in prayer five times
a day. It is inclosed by the great mosque, which corresponds in
importance to the temple of Solomon in Jerusalem and St. Peter's
cathedral in Rome, and can hold about thirty-five thousand per-
sons. It is surrounded by colonnades, chambers, domes and
minarets. Near it is the bubbling well Zemzem, from which
Hagar and Ishmael are said to have quenched their burning thirst.
The Kaaba is much older than Mecca. Diodorus Siculus men-
tions ifc as the oldest and most honored temple in his time. It
is supposed to have been first built by angels in the shape of a
tent and to have been let down from heaven; there Adam wor-
shipped after his expulsion from Paradise; Seth substituted a
structure of clay and stone for a tent; after the destruction by
the deluge Abraham and Ishmael reconstructed it, and their
footsteps are shown.3 It was entirely rebuilt in 1627. It eon-
1 See Ali Bey's Travels in Asia and Africa, 1803-1807 (1SL4, 3 vols.); the
works of Burckhardt, and Burton mentioned before; and Muir, 1. 1-9.
* The Cube-house or Square house, Maison carree. It is also called Beit TJI*
lah, (Beth-d), i. e. House of God. It is covered -with cloth. See a description
in Burckhardt, Travels, Lond., 1829, p. 136, Burton II. 154> Sprenger II. 340,
and Khan Bahador's Essay on the History of&e Holy Mecca (a part of the work
above quoted). Burckhardt gives the size: 18 paces long, 14 broad, 35 to 40
feet high. Burton : 22 paces (= 55 English feet) long, 18 paces (45 feet) broad.
8 Bahador says, L «. .- "The most ancient and authentic of all the local tradi-
tions of Arabia ... represent the temple of the Kaaba as having been constructed
in the 42d century A. M., or 19th century B. C., by Abraham, who was assisted
in his work by his son IshmaeL" He quotes Gen. xuu 7; xiii. 18 in proof that
158 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D.590 TO 1049.
tains the famous BLACK STONE/ in the North-Eastern corner
near the door. This is probably a meteoric stone, or of volcanic
origin, and served originally as an altar. The Arabs believe
that it fell from Paradise with Adam, and was as white as
milk, but turned black on account of man's sins.2 It is semi-
circular in shape, measures about six inches in height, and
eight inches in breadth, is four or five feet from the ground,
of reddish black color, polished by innumerable kisses (like the
foot of the Peter-statue in St. Peter's at Rome), encased in silver,
and covered with black silk and inscriptions from the Koran.
It was an object of veneration from time immemorial, and is
still devoutly kissed or touched by the Moslem pilgrims on each
of their seven circuits around the temple.3
Mohammed subsequently cleared the Kaaba of all relics of
idolatry, and made it the place of pilgrimage for his followers.
He invented or revived the legend that Abraham by divine
command sent his son Ishmael with Hagar to Mecca to establish
there the true worship and the pilgrim festival. He says in the
Koran: "God hath appointed the Kaaba, the sacred house, to
be a station for mankind/' and, "Remember when we appointed
the sanctuary as man's resort and safe retreat, and said, 'Take
ye the station of Abraham for a place of prayer/ And we com-
manded Abraham and Ishmael, 'Purify my house for those who
shall go in procession round it, and those who shall bow down
and prostrate themselves.'"4
Abraham raised " altars for God's worship on every spot where he himself had
adored Him." But the Bible nowhere says that he evar was in Mecca.
1 It is called in Arabic Hhajera el-Assou&d, the Heavenly Stone. Muir
II. 35.
3 Bahadoi discredits this and other foolish traditions, and thinks that the
Black Stone was a piece of rock from the neighboring Abba Eobais mountain,
and put in its present place by Talmiiifll at the desire of Abraham.
9 See pictures of the Kaaba and the Black Stone, in Bahador, and also in
Muir, EL 18, and description, II. 34 sqq.
*KodwelPs translation, pp. 446 and 648. Sprenger, II. 279, regards the
Moslem legend of the Abrahamic origin of the Kaaba worship as a pure inven
tion of Mohammed, of which there is no previous trace.
\ 41. THE HOME, AND THE ANTECEDENTS OF ISLAM. 159
Arabia had at the time when Mohammed appeared, all the
elements for a wild, warlike, eclectic religion like the one which
he established. It was inhabited by heathen star-worshippers,
Jews, and Christians.
The heathen were ihe ruling race, descended from Ishmaely
the bastard son of Abraham (Ibrahim), the real sons of the
desert, full of animal life and energy. They had their sanctuary
in the Kaaba at Mecca, which attracted annually large numbers
of pilgrims long before Mohammed.
The Jews, after the destruction of Jerusalem, were scattered
in Arabia, especially in the district of Medina, and exerted con-
siderable influence by their higher culture and rabbinical tra-
ditions.
The Christians belonged mostly to the various heretical sects
which were expelled from the Roman empire during the violent
doctrinal controversies of the fourth and fifth centuries. We
find there traces of Arians, Sabellians, Ebionites, Nestorians,
Eutychians, Monophysites, Marianites, and Collyridians or wor-
shippers of Mary. Anchorets and monks settled in large num-
bers in "Wady Feiran around Mount Serbal, and Justinian laid
the foundation of the Convent of St. Catharine at the foot of
Mount Sinai, which till the year 1859 harbored the oldest
and most complete uncial manuscript of the Greek Scriptures of
both Testaments from the age of Constantine. But it was a
very superficial and corrupt Christianity which had found a
home in those desert regions, where even the apostle Paul spent
three years after his conversion in silent preparation for his great
mission.
These three races and religions, though deadly hostile to each
other, alike revered Abraham, the father of the faithful, as their
common ancestor. This fact might suggest to a great mind the
idea to unite them by a national religion monotheistic in princi-
ple and eclectic in its character. This seems to have been the
original project; of the founder of Isl&m.
It is made certain by recent research that there were at the
160 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
time and before the call of Mohammed a considerable number
of inquirers at Mecca and Medina, who had intercourse with
Eastern Christians in Syria and Abyssinia, were dissatisfied with
the idolatry around them, and inclined to monotheism, which
they traced to Abraham. They called themselves Hanyfs, i. e.
Converts, Puritans. One of them, Omayah of Tsbif, we know to
have been under Christian influence; others seem to have de-
rived their monotheistic ideas from Judaism, Some of the early
converts of Mohammed as, Zayd (his favorite slave), Omayah,
or Umaijah (a popular poet), and Waraka (a cousin of Chadijah
and a student" of the Holy Scriptures of the Jews and Christians)
belonged to this sect, and even Mohammed acknowledged him-
self at first a Hanyf.1 Waraka, it is said, believed in him, as
long as he was a HanyfJt but then forsook him, and died a Chris-
tian or a Jew.2
Mohammed consolidated and energized this reform-movement,
and gave it a world-wide significance, under the new name of
Isl&m, i. e. resignation to God; whence Moslem, (or Muslim),
one who resigns himself to God.
§ 42. Life and Character of Mohammed.
Mohammed, an unschooled, self-taught, semi-barbarous son of
nature, of noble birth, handsome person, imaginative, energetic,
brave, the ideal of a Bedouin chief, was destined to become the
political and religious reformer, the poet, prophet, priest, and
king of Arabia.
He was born about A.D. 570 at Mecca, the only child of a
1 Sprenger 1. 45: "Die bisher wnbekannt gebliebenen Hanyfen waren die Vor-
laufer des Mohammad. Er nennt sich sdbst einen Hanyf t und wakrend der ersten
Periods semes Lehramtes hat er wenig anderes gethan, ofe ihre Lehre bestatiyt."
a According to Sprenger, I. 91 sqq., he died a Christian ; but Deutsch, L c., p.
77, says: "Whatever Waraka was originally, he certainly lived and die'l a
Jew." He infers this from the feet that when asked by Chadijah for his opinion
concerning Mohammed's revelations, he cried out: "Koddus! Koddus! (i. e.,
Kadosh, Holy). Verily this is the Namus (i. e., v6[u>s, Law) which came to
Moses. He will be the prophet of his people."
g 42. LIFE AND CHAKACTEE OF MOHAMMED. 161
young widow named Amina.1 His father Abdallah had died a
few months before in his twenty-fifth year on a mercantile jour-
ney in Medina, and left to his orphan five camels, some sheep
and a slave girl.2 He belonged to the heathen family of the
Hashim, which was not wealthy, but claimed lineal descent from
Ishmael, and was connected with the Koreish or Korashites, the
leading tribe of the Arabs and the hereditary guardians of the
sacred Kaaba.3 Tradition surrounds his advent in the world
with a halo of marvellous legends : he was born circumcised
and with his navel cut, with the seal of prophecy written on his
back in letters of light; he prostrated himself at once on the
ground, and, raising his hands, prayed for the pardon of his
people; three persons, brilliant as the sun, one holding a silver
goblet, the second an emerald tray, the tibiird a silken towel, ap-
peared from heaven, washed him seven times, then blessed and
saluted him as the "Prince of Mankind." He was nursed by a
healthy Bedouin woman of the desert. When a boy of four
years he was seized with something like a fit of epilepsy, which
1 We know accurately the date of Mohammed's death (June 8, 632), but the
year of his birth only by reckoning backwards ; and as his age is variously
stated from sixty-one to sixty-five, there is a corresponding difference in the
statements of the year of his birth. De Sacy fixes it April 20, 571, von Ham-
mer 569, Muir Aug. 20, 570, Sprenger between May 13, 567, and April 13, 571,
but afterwards (I. 138), April 20, 571, as most in accordance with early tra-
dition.
2 According to Ibu IsMk and Wackidi. Bahador adopts this tradition, in
the last of his essays which treats of " the Birth and Childhood of Mohammed."
But according to other accounts, Abdallah died several months (seven or
eighteen) after Mohammed's birth. Muir, 1. 11; Sprenger, 1. 138.
* On the pedigree of Mohammed, see an essay in the work of Syed Ahmed
Khan Bahador, and Muir I. 242-271. The Koreish were not exactly priests,
but watched the temple, kept the keys, led the processions, and provided for
the pilgrims. Hashim, Mohammed's great-grandfiLther (b. A. D. 442), thus
addressed the Koreish: "Ye are the neighbors of God and the keepers of his
house. The pilgrims who come honoring the sanctity of his temple, are his
guests; and it is meet that ye should entertain them above all other guests.
Ye are especially chosen of God and exalted unto this high dignity; wherefore
honor his guests and refresh them." He himself set an example of munificent
hospitality, and each of the Koreish contributed according to his ability. Muir
LCCXLVIL
162 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
W&ckidi and other historians transformed into a miraculous
occurrence. He was often subject to severe headaches and fever-
ish convulsions, in which he fell on the ground like a drunken
man, and snored like a camel.1 In his sixth year he lost his
mother on the return from Medina, whither she had taken him
on camel's back to visit the maternal relations of his father, and
was carried back to Mecca by his nurse, a faithful slave girl.
He was taken care of by his aged grandfather, Abd al Motkalib,
and after his death in 578 by his uncle Abu T&lib, who had two
wives and ten children, and, though poor and no believer in his
nephew's mission, generously protected him to the end.
He accompanied his uncle on a commercial journey to Syria,
passing through the desert, ruined cities of old, and Jewish and
Christian settlements, which must have made a deep impression
on his youthftd imagination.
Mohammed made a scanty living as an attendant on caravans
and by watching sheep and goats. The latter is rather a disre-
putable occupation among the Arabs, and left to unmarried
women and slaves; but he afterwards gloried in it by appealing
to the example of Moses and David, and said that God never
calls a prophet who has not been a shepherd before. According
to tradition — for, owing to the strict prohibition of images, we
have no likeness of the prophet — he was of medium size, rather
slender, but broad-shouldered and of strong muscles, had black
eyes and hair, an oval-shaped face, white teeth, a long nose, a
patriarchal beard, and a commanding look. His step was quick
and firm. He wore white cotton stuff, but on festive occa-
sions fine linen striped or dyed in red. He did everything
for himself; to the last he mended his own clothes, and cobbled
his sandals, and aided his wives in sewing and cooking. He
laughed and smiled often. He had a most fertile imagination
and a genius for poetry and religion, but no learning. He was
an "illiterate prophet," in this respect resembling some of the
1 Sprenger lias a long chapter on this disease of Mohammed, which he calls
with Schonlein, hysteria mwcdaris, L 207-268.
§ 42. LIFE AND CHARACTER OF MOHAMMED. 163
prophets of Israel and the fishermen of Galilee. It is a dis-
puted question among Moslem and Christian scholars whether
he could even read and write.1 Probably he could not. He
dictated the Koran from inspiration to his disciples and clerks.
What knowledge he possessed, he picked up on the way from
intercourse with men, from hearing books read, and especially
from his travels.
In his twenty-fifth year he married a rich widow, Chadijah
(or Chadidsha), who was fifteen years older than himself, and
who had previously hired him to carry on the mercantile busi-
ness of her former husband. Her father was opposed to the
match; but she made and kept him drunk until the ceremony
was completed. He took charge of her caravans with great suc-
cess, and made several journeys. The marriage was happy and
fruitful of six children, two sons and four daughters; but all
died except little FStima, who became the mother of innumera-
ble legitimate and illegitimate descendants of the prophet. He
also adopted All, whose close connection with him became so
important in the history of Isl£m. He was faithful to Chadi-
jah, and held her in grateful remembrance after her death.2 He
used to say, " Chadijah believed in me when nobody else did."
He married afterwards a number of wives, who caused hi™
much trouble and scandal. His favorite wife, Ayesha, was more
jealous of the dead Chadijah than any of her twelve or more
1 Sprenger discusses the question, and answers it in the affirmative, YoL II.
398 sqq. The Koran (29) says: "Formerly [before I sent down the book^ i. e.
the Koran] thou didst not read any hook nor write one with thy right hand."
From this, some Moslems infer that after the reception of the Koran, he was
supernaturally taught to read and write ; hut others hold that he was ignorant
of both. Sjed Ahmed Khan Bahador says : "Not the least doubt now exists
that the Prophet was wholly unacquainted with the art of writing, being also,
as a matter of course (?), unable to read the hand-writing of others; for which rea-
son, and for this only, he was called Ummee" (illiterate).
* Sprenger attributes his faithfulness to Ghadyga (as he spells the name) not
to his merit, but to his dependence. She kept her fortune under her own conr
trol} *"J gave him only as much as he needed.
164 FOUETfl PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
living rivals, for lie constantly held up the toothless old woman
as the model of a wife.
On his commercial journeys to Syria, he became acquainted
with Jews and Christians, and acquired an imperfect knowledge
of their traditions. He spent much of his time in retirement,
prayer, fasting, and meditation. He had violent convulsions
and epileptic fits, which his enemies, and at first he himself,
traced to demoniacal possessions, but afterwards to the over-
powering presence of God. His soul was fired with the idea of
the divine unity, which became his ruling passion; and then he
awoke to the bold thought that he was a messenger of God,
called to warn his countrymen to escape the judgment and the
damnation of hell by forsaking idolatry and worshipping the
only true God. His monotheistic enthusiasm was disturbed,
though not weakened, by his ignorance and his imperfect sense
of the difference between right and wrong.
In his fortieth year (A.D. 610), he received the call of Ga-
briel, the archangel at the right hand of God, who announced
the birth of the Saviour to the Virgin Mary. The first revela-
tion was made to him in a trance in the wild solitude of Mount
Hir&, an hour's walk from Mecca. He was directed " to cry in
the name of the Lord." He trembled, as if something dreadful
had happened to him, and hastened home to his wife, who told
him to rejoice, for he would be the prophet of his people. He
waited for other visions; but none came. He went up to Mount
Hir& again — this time to commit suicide. But as often as he
approached the precipice, he beheld Gabriel at the end of the
horizon saying to him : " I am Gabriel, and thou art Moham-
med, the prophet of God. Fear not!" He then commenced
his career of a prophet and founder of a new religion, which
combined various elements of the three religions represented
in Arabia, but was animated and controlled by the faith in
Allah, as an almighty, ever-present and working will. From
this time on, his life was enacted before the eyes of the world,
and is embodied in his deeds and in the Koran.
? 42. LIFE AND CHAEACTEB OF MOHAMMED. 165
The revelations continued from time to time for more than
twenty years. When asked how they -were delivered to him,
he replied (as reported by Ayesha): "Sometimes like the sound
of a bell — a kind of communication which was very severe for
me ; and when the sounds ceased, I found myself aware of the
instructions. And sometimes the angel would come in the form
of a man, and converse with me, and all his words I remem-
bered."
After his call, Mohammed labored first for three years among
his family and friends, under great discouragements, making
about forty converts, of whom his wife Chadijah was the first,
his father-in-law, Abu Bakr, and the young, energetic Omar
the most important. His daughter Fatima, his adopted son All,
and his slave Zayd likewise believed in his divine mission.
Then he publicly announced his determination to assume by
command of God the office of prophet and lawgiver, preached
to the pilgrims flocking to Mecca, attacked Meccan idolatry,
reasoned with his opponents, answered their demand for mira-
cles by producing the Koran " leaf by leaf," as occasion de-
manded, and provoked persecution and civil commotion. He
was forced in the year 622 to flee for his life with his followers
from Mecca to Medina (El-Medina an-Nabl, the City of the Pro-
phet), a distance of two hundred and fifty miles North, or ten
days' journey over the sands and rocks of the desert.
This flight or emigration, called Hegira or Hidshra, marks
the beginning of his wonderful success, and of the Mohammedan
era (July 15, 622). He was recognized in Medina as prophet
and lawgiver. At first he proclaimed toleration: "Let there
be no compulsion in religion;" but afterwards he revealed* the
opposite principle that all unbelievers must be summoned to
Islam, tribute, or the sword. With an increasing army of his
enthusiastic followers, he took the field against his enemies,
gained in 624 his first victory over the Koreish with an army
of 305 (mostly citizens of Medina) against a force twice as
large, conquered several Jewish and Christian tribes, ordered
166 FOURTH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
and watched in person the massacre of six hundred Jews in one
day/ while their wives and children were sold into slavery
(627), triumphantly entered Mecca (630), demolished the three
hundred and sixty idols of the Kaaba, and became master of
Arabia. The Koreish were overawed by his success, and now
shouted : " There is but one God, and Mohammed is his prophet."
The various tribes were melted into a nation, and their old
hereditary feuds changed into a common fanatical hatred of the
infidels, as the followers of all other religions were called. The
last chapter of the Koran commands the remorseless extermina-
tion of all idolaters iii Arabia, unless they submit within four
months.
In the tenth year of the Hegira, the prophet made his last
pilgrimage to Mecca at the head of forty thousand Moslems,
instructed them in all important ordinances, and exhorted them
to protect the weak, the poor, and the women, and to abstain
from usury. He planned a large campaign against the Greeks.
But soon after his return to Medina, he died of a violent fever
in the house and the arms of Ayesha, June 8, 632, in the sixty-
third year of his age, and was buried on the spot where he died,
which is now enclosed by a mosque. He suffered great pain,
cried and wailed, turned on his couch in despair, and said to his
wives when they expressed their surprise at his conduct: "Do
ye not know that prophets have to suffer more than all others?
One was eaten up by vermin; another died so poor that he
had nothing but rags to cover his shame; but their reward
will be all the greater in the life beyond." Among his last
utterances were: "The Lord destroy the Jews and Christians!
Let *his anger be kindled against those that turn the tombs
of their prophets into places of worship! O Lord, let not
my tomb be an object of worship ! Let there not remain any
faith but that of Isl&m throughout the whole of Arabia. . . .
Gabriel, come close to me! Lord, grant me pardon and join
1 So Sprenger, m. 221. Others give seven Hundred and ninety as the num-
ber of Jews who were beheaded in a ditdh.
2 42. LIFE AND CHABACTER OP MOHAMMED. 167
me to thy companionship on high! Eternity in paradise!
Pardon ! Yes, the blessed companionship on high !" 1
Omar would not believe that Mohammed was dead, and pro-
claimed in the mosque of Medina: "The prophet has only
swooned away; he shall not die until he have rooted out every
hypocrite and unbeliever/' But Abu Bakr silenced him and
said: "Whosoever worships Mohammed, let him know that
Mohammed is dead; but whosoever worships God, let him
know that the Lord liveth, and will never die." Abu Bakr,
whom he had loved most, was chosen Calif, or Successor of
Mohammed.
Later tradition, and even the earliest biography, ascribe to the
prophet of Mecca strange miracles, and surround his name with
a mythical halo of glory. He was saluted by walking trees
and stones; he often made by a simple touch the udders of dry
goats distend with milk; he caused floods of water to well up
from the parched ground, or gush forth from empty vessels, or
issue from betwixt the fingers; he raised the dead; he made a
night journey on his steed Borak through the air from Mecca to
Jerusalem, from Jerusalem to paradise and the mansions of the
prophets and angels, and back again to Mecca.2 But he himself,
in several passages of the Koran, expressly disclaims the power
of miracles; he appeals to the internal proofs of his doctrine,
and shields himself behind the providence of God, who refuses
those signs which might diminish the merit of faith and aggra-
vate the guilt of unbelief.3
1 See Sprenger, HI. 552 sqq., Muir, IV. 270 sqq.
2 This absurd story, circumstantially described by Abulfeda, is probably based
on a dream which Mohammed himself relates in the Koran, Sura 17, entitled
The Night Journey: "Glory be to Him who carried his servant by night from
the sacred temple of Mecca to the temple that is remote" [i e. in Jerusalem],
In the Dome of the Bock on Mount Moriah, the hand-prints of the angel Ga-
briel are shown in the mysterious rock which attempted to follow Mohammed
to its native quarry in Paradise, but was kept back by the angel!
8 See an interesting essay on the "Miracles of Mohammed" in TholucVs
Jfiscdtatnaw Essays (1839), VoL L, pp. 1-27. Also Muir, I, pp. 65 sqq.;
Sprenger, II. 413 sqq.
168 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
Character of Mohammed.
The Koran, if chronologically arranged, must be regarded as
the best commentary on his character. While his followers re-
gard him to this day as the greatest prophet of God, he was long
abhorred in Christendom as a wicked impostor, as the antichrist,
or the false prophet, predicted in the Bible, and inspired by the
father of lies.
The calmer judgment of recent historians inclines to the be-
lief that he combined the good and bad qualities of an Oriental
chief, and that in the earlier part of his life he was a sincere
reformer and enthusiast, but after the establishment of his king-
dom a slave of ambition for conquest. He was a better man in
the period of his adversity and persecution at Mecca, than during
his prospei'ity and triumph at Medina. History records many
examples of characters rising from poverty and obscurity to
greatness, and then decaying under the sunshine of wealth and
power. He degenerated, like Solomon, but did not repent, like
the preacher of u vanity of vanities." He had a melancholic
and nervous temperament, liable to fantastic hallucinations and
alternations of high excitement and deep depression, bordering
at times on despair and suicide. The story of his early and fre-
quent epileptic fits throws some light on his revelations, during
which he sometimes growled like a camel, foamed at his mouth,
and streamed with perspiration. He believed in evil spirits,
omens, charms, and dreams. His mind was neither clear nor
sharp, but strong and fervent, and under the influence of an exu-
berant imagination. He was a poet of high order, and the Koran
is the first classic in Arabic literature. He believed himself
to be a prophet, irresistibly impelled by supernatural influence
to teach and warn his fellow-men. He started with the over-
powering conviction of the unity of God and a horror of idola-
try, and wished to rescue his countrymen from this sin of sins
and from the terrors of the judgment to come j but gradually he
rose above the office of a national reformer to that of the founder
2 42. LIFE AND CHAEACTEB OP MOHAMMED. 169
of a universal religion, which was to absorb the other religions,
and to be propagated by violence. It is difficult to draw the
line in such a character between honest zeal and selfish ambition,
the fear of God and the love of power and gloiy.
He despised a throne and a diadem, lived with his wives in
a row of low and homely cottages of unbaked bricks, and aided
them in their household duties; he was strictly temperate in eat-
ing and drinking, his chief diet being dates and water; he was
not ashamed to milk his goats, to mend his clothes and to cobble
his shoes; his personal property at his death amounted to some
confiscated lands, fourteen or fifteen slaves, a few camels and
mules, a hundred sheep, and a rooster. This simplicity of a
Bedouin Sheikh of the desert contrasts most favorably with the
luxurious style and gorgeous display of Mohammed's successors,
the Califs and Sultans, who have dozens of palaces and harems
filled with eunuchs and women that know nothing beyond the
vanities of dress and etiquette and a little music. He was
easy of access to visitors who approached him with faith and
reverence; patient, generous, and (according to Ayesha) as
modest and bashful "as a veiled virgin." But towards his
enemies he was cruel and revengeful. He did not shrink from
perfidy. He believed in the use of the sword as the best mis-
sionary, and was utterly unscrupulous as to the means of success.
He had great moral, but little physical courage; he braved for
thirteen years the taunts and threats of the people, but never
exposed himself to danger in battle, although he always accom-
panied his forces.
Mohammed was a slave of sensual passion. Ayesha, who knew
him best in his private character and habits, used to say: " The
prophet loved three things, women, perfumes and food; he had
his heart's desire of the two first, but not of the last." The mo-
tives of his excess in polygamy were his sensuality which grew
with his years, and his desire for male offspring. His followers
excused or justified him by the examples of Abraham, David
and Solomon, and by the difficulties of his prophetic office, which
170 FOURTH PEEIOR A.D. 590-1049.
were so great that God gave him a compensation in sexual en-
joyment, and endowed him with greater capacity than thirty
ordinary men. For twenty-four years he had but one wife, his
beloved Chadijah, who died in 619, aged sixty-five, but only two
months after her death he married a widow named Sawda (April
619), and gradually increased his harem, especially during the
last two years of his life. When he heard of a pretty woman,
says Sprenger, he asked her hand, but was occasionally refused.
He had at least fourteen legal wives, and a number of slave con-
cubines besides. At his death he left nine widows. He claimed
special revelations which gave him greater liberty of sexual indul-
gence than ordinary Moslems (who are restricted to four wives),
and exempted him from the prohibition of marrying near rela-
tives.1 He married by divine command, as he alleged, Zeynab,
the wife of Zayd, his adopted son and bosom-friend. His wives
were all widows except Ayesha. One of them was a beautiful
and rich Jewess; she was despised by her sisters, who sneeringly
said: "Pshaw, a Jewess!" He told her to reply: "Aaron is my
father and Moses my uncle !" Ayesha, the daughter of Abft
Bakr, was his especial favorite. He married her when she was
a girl of nine years, and he fifty-three years old. She brought
her doll-babies with her, and amused and charmed the prophet
by her playfulness, vivacity and wit. She could read, had a copy
of the Koran, and knew more about theology, genealogy and
poetry than all the other widows of Mohammed. He announced
that she would be his wife also in Paradise. Yet she was not
free from suspicion of unfaithfulness until he received a revela-
1 He speaks freely of this subject in the Koran, Sur. 4^ and 33. In the latter
(Bodman's transl., p. 568) this scandalous passage occurs: "O Prophet I we
allow thee thy wives whom thou hast dowered, and the slaves whom thy right
hand possesseth out of the booty which God hath granted thee, and the daugh-
ters of thy uncle, and of thy paternal and maternal aunts who fled with thee to
Medina, and any believing woman who hath given herself up to the Prophet^
if the Prophet desired to wed her, a privilege for thee above the rest of the faith-
ful." Afterwards in the same Sura (p. 569 ) he says : " Ye must not trouble the
Apostle of God, nor marry his wives after him forever. This would be a grave
offence with God."
? 43. THE CONQUESTS OF ISLAM. 171
tion of her innocence. After his death she was the most sacred
person among the Moslems and the highest authority on religious
and legal questions. She survived her husband forty-seven
years and died at Medina, July 13, 678, aged sixty-seven years.1
In his ambition for a hereditary dynasty, Mohammed was
sadly disappointed : he lost his two sons by Chadijah, and a third
one by Mary the Egyptian, his favorite concubine*
To compare such a man with Jesus, is preposterous and even
blasphemous. Jesus was the sinless Saviour of sinners ; Moham-
med was a sinner, and he knew and confessed it. He falls far
below Moses, or Elijah, or any of the prophets and apostles in
moral purity. But outside of the sphere of revelation, he ranks
with Confucius, and Cakya Muni the Buddha, among the
greatest founders of religions and lawgivers of nations.
§ 43. The Conquests of Isl&m.
" The sword/' says Mohammed, " is the key of heaven and
hell; a drop of blood shed in the cause of Allah, a night spent
in arms, is of more avail than two months of fasting or prayer :
whosoever falls in battle, his sins are forgiven, and at the day of
judgment his limbs shall be supplied by the wings of angels and
cherubim." This is the secret of his success. Idolaters had to
choose between Isl£m, slavery, and death; Jews and Christians
were allowed to purchase a limited toleration by the payment of
tribute, but were otherwise kept in degrading bondage. History
1 Sprenger, HI. 61-87, gives a foil account of fourteen wives of Mohammed,
and especially of Ayesha, according to the list of Zohry and Ibn Saad. Sprenger
says, p. 37: "Der Prophet hatte Tcdne Wohnmgfur sichsdbst. Sein Hauptgyartier
war in der Suite der Ayischa und die offentlichen Geschdfte verrichtete er in der
Moschee, aber ear brochte jede Nockt bei einer seiner Frauen m und war, me, es
scheintj auch ihr Qast beim HJssen. Er ging aber taglich, wenn er bei guter Laune
war, bei atten seinen Frauen umher, gabjeder einen Kuss, spracJi einige Worte und
spieUe mit ihr. Wir haben gesehen, doss seme Famflie neun Hutten besass; dies
war auch die AnmU der Frauen, wekhe er bei seinem Tode hinterliess. Doch gab
es Zetien, m denen sein Harem starker war. Er brachte dann einige seiner Schonen
in den Hausern von NacJibarn unter. Es Jam auch wr, doss auei Frauen, eine
Hutte bewohnten. StiefMnder wohnten, so lange siejwng waren, bei ihren Muttern."
172 FOURTH PEEIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
records no soldiers of greater bravery inspired by religion than
the Moslem conquerors, except Cromwell's Ironsides, and the
Scotch Covenanters, who fought with purer motives for a nobler
cause.
The Califs, Mohammed's successors, who like him united the
priestly and kingly dignity; carried on his conquests with the
battle-cry: "Before you is paradise, behind you are death and
hell/' Inspired by an intense fanaticism, and aided by the weak-
ness of the Byzantine empire and the internal distractions of the
Greek Church, the wild sons of the desert, who were content with
the plainest food, and disciplined in the school of war, hardship
and recklessness of life, subdued Palestine, Syria, and Egypt,
embracing the classical soil of primitive Christianity. Thousands
of Christian churches in the patriarchal dioceses of Jerusalem,
Antioch and Alexandria, were ruthlessly destroyed, or converted
into mosques. Twenty-one years after the death of Mohammed the
Crescent ruled over a realm as large as the Eoman Empire. Even
Constantinople was besieged twice (668 and 717), although in
vain. The terrible efficacy of the newly invented "Greek fire/'
and the unusual severity of a long winter defeated the enemy,
and saved Eastern and Northern Europe from the blight of
the Koran. A large number of nominal Christians who had so
fiercely quarreled with each other about unfruitful subtleties of
their creeds, surrendered their faith to the conqueror. In 707
the North African provinces, where ouce St. Augustin had
directed the attention of the church to the highest problems of
theology and religion, fell into the hands of the Arabs.
In 711 they crossed from Africa to Spain and established an
independent Califate at Cordova. The moral degeneracy and
dissensions of the Western Goths facilitated their subjugation.
Encouraged by such success, the Arabs crossed tihe Pyrenees and
boasted that 1ihey would soon stable their horses in St. Peter's
cathedral in Rome, but the defeat of Abd-er Rahman by Charles
Martel between Poitiers and Tours in 732 — one hundred and ten
years after the Hegira — checked their progress in the West, and
5 43. THE CONQUESTS OF ISLAM. 173
in 1492 — the same year in which. Columbus discovered a new
Continent — Ferdinand defeated the last Moslem army in Spain
at the gates of Granada and drove them back to Africa. The
palace and citadel of the Alhambra, with its court of lions, its
delicate arabesques and fretwork, and its aromatic gardens and
groves, still remains, a gorgeous ruin of the power of the Moor-
ish kings.
In the East the Moslems made new conquests. In the ninth
century they subdued Persia, Afghanistan, and a large part of
India. They reduced the followers of Zoroaster to a few scattered
communities, and conquered a vast territory of Braiminism and
Buddhism even beyond the Ganges. The Seliuk Turks in the
eleventh century, and the Mongols in the thirteenth, adopted the
religion of the Califs whom they conquered. Constantinople
fell at last into the hands of the Turks in 1453, and the magni-
ficent church of St. Sophia, the glory of Justinian's reign, was
turned into a mosque where the Koran is read instead of the
Gospel, the reader holding the drawn scimetar in his hand. From
Constantinople the Turks threatened the German empire, and it
was not till 1683 that they were finally defeated by Sobieski at
the gates of Vienna and driven back across the Danube.
With the senseless fury of fanaticism and pillage the Tartar
Turks have reduced the fairest portions of Eastern Europe to
desolation and ruin. With sovereign contempt for all other
religions, they subjected the Christians to a condition of virtual
servitude, treating them like " dogs/' as they call them. They did
not intermeddle with their internal affairs, but made merchandise
of ecclesiastical offices. The death penaliy was suspended over
every attempt to convert a Mussulman. Apostasy from the faith
is also treason to the state, and merits the severest punishment in
this world, as well as everlasting damnation in the world to come.
After the Crimean war in 1856, the death penalty for apostasy
was nominally abolished in the dominions of the Sultan, and in
the Berlin Treaty of 1878 liberty of religion (more ihan mere
toleration) was guaranteed to all existing sects in the Turkish
174 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
empire, but the old fanaticism will yield only to superior force ,
and the guarantee of liberty is not understood to imply the liberty
of propaganda among Moslems. Christian sects have liberiy to
prey on each other, but woe to them if they invade the sacred
province of IsMm.1
A Mohammedan tradition contains a curious prophecy that
Christ, the son of Mary, will return as the last Calif to judge
the world.2 The impression is gaining ground among the Mos-
lems that they will be unable ultimately to withstand the steady
progress of Christianity and Western civilization. The Sultan,
the successor of the Califs, is a mere shadow on the throne
trembling for his life. The dissolution of the Turkish empire*
which may be looked for at no distant future, will break the
backbone of Isl4m, and open the way for the true solution of
the Eastern question — the moral regeneration of the Lands of
the Bible by the Christianity of the Bible.
§ 44. The Koran, and the Bibk.
"Mohammed's truth lay in a sacred Book,
Christ's in a holy Life "— MILNES (Palm-Leaves).
The Koran3 is the sacred book, the Bible of the Mohamme-
dans. It is their creed, their code of laws, their liturgy. It
claims to be the product of divine inspiration by the arch-
1 If Protestant missionaries enjoy more toleration and liberty in Turkey than
in Eoman Catholic Austria and in Greek Catholic Bussia, it must be understood
with the above limitation. Turkish toleration springs from proud contempt of
Christianity in all its forms; Bussian and Austrian intolerance, from despotism
and bigoted devotion to a particular form of Christianity.
2 Among the traditional sayings of Mohammed is this (Gerock, L c., p. 132):
"I am nearest to Jesus, both as to the beginning and the end; for there is no
prophet between me and Jesus; and at the end of time he will be my repre-
sentative and my successor. The prophets are all brethren, as they have one
father, though their mothers are different The origin of all their religions is
the same, and between me and Jesus there is no other prophet,"
3 Arabic qurdn, i. e. the reading or that which should be read, the book. It
is read over and over again in all the mosques and schools.
g 44. THE KOBAN, AND THE BIBLE. 175
angel Gabriel, who performed the function assigned to the
Holy Spirit in the Scriptures.1 The Mohammedans distinguish
two kinds of revelations: those which were literally delivered as
spoken by the angel (called Wdhee Ifatloo, or the word of God),
and those which give the sense of the inspired instruction in the
prophet's own words (called Waliee Ghair Hatloo, or Hadees).
The prophet is named only five times, but is addressed by
Gabriel all through the book with the word Say, as the reci-
pient and sacred penman of the revelations. It consists of 114
Suras2 and 6,225 verses. Each Sura (except the ninth) begins
with the formula (of Jewish origin) : " In the name of Allah,
the God of Mercy, the Merciful."3
1Sura53(RodweU,p.64):
"The Koran is no other than a revelation revealed to him:
One terrible in power [Gabriel, i e. the Strong one of God] taught it him.
Endued with wisdom, with even balance stood he
In the highest part of the horizon.
Hb came nearer and approached,
And was at the distance of two bows, or even closer,—
And he revealed to his servant what he revealed."
1 add the view of a learned modern Mohammedan, Syed Ahmed Khan Ba-
hador, who says (I. c., Essay on the Holy Koran) : "The Holy Koran was deli-
vered to Mohammed neither in the form of graven tablets of stone, nor in that
of cloven tongues of fire; nor was it necessary that the followers of Mohammed,
like those of Moses, should be furnished with a copy or counterpart, in case the
original should be lost. No mystery attended the delivery of it, for it was on
Mohammed's heart that it was engraven, and it was with his tongue that it was
communicated to all Arabia. The heart of Mohammed was the Sinai where he
received the revelation, and his tablets of stone were the hearts of true believers."
2 Sura means either revelation, or chapter, or part of a chapter. The Mo-
hammedan commentators refer it primarily to the succession of subjects or parts,
like the rows of bricks in a wall. The titles of the Suras are generally taken
from some leading topic or word in each, as "The Sun," "The Star," "The
Charges," "The Scattering," "The Adoration," "The Spider," "Women,"
"Hypocrites," "Light," "Jonas," "The Cave," "The Night Journey," "The
Cow," "The Battle," "The Victory."
3 "Bimittdhi 'rrdhonwi 'rrahim." According to the Ulama (the professors
of religion and law), "God of mercy" means merciful in great things; "the
Merciful" means merciful in small things. But, according to E. W. Lane,
"the first expresses an occasional sensation, the second a constant quality." ID
other words, the one refers to acts, the other to a permanent attribute.
176 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
The Koran is composed in imperfect metre and rhyme (which
is as natural and easy in the Arabic as in the Italian language).
Its language is considered the purest Arabic. Its poetry some-
what resembles Hebrew poetry in Oriental imagery and a sort
of parallelism or correspondence of clauses, but it loses its charm
in a translation; while the Psalms and Prophets can be repro-
duced in any language without losing their original force and
beauty. The Koran is held in superstitious veneration, and was
regarded till recently as too sacred to be translated and to be
sold like a common book.1
Mohammed prepared and dictated the Koran from time to
time as he received the revelations and progressed in his career,
not for readers, but for hearers, leaving much to the suggestive
action of the public recital, either from memory or from copies
taken down by his friends. Hence its occasional, fragmentary
character. About a year after his death, at the direction of
Abu-Bakr, his father-in-law and immediate successor, Zayd,
the chief ansar or amanuensis of the Prophet, collected the
scattered fragments of the Koran "from palm-leaves, and tab-
lets of white stone, and from the breasts of men," but without
any regard to chronological order or continuity of subjects.
Abu-Bakr committed this copy to the custody of Haphsa, one
of Mohammed's widows. It remained the standard during the
ten years of Omar's califate. As the different readings of
copies occasioned serious disputes, Zayd, with several Koreish,
was commissioned to secure the purity of the text in the Meccan
dialect, and all previous copies were called in and burned. The
recension of Zayd has been handed down with scrupulous care
unaltered to this day, and various readings are almost unknown ;
the differences being confined to the vowel-points, which were
1 These scruples are gradually giving way, at least in India, where "printed
copies, with inter-lineal versions in Persian and Urdoo— -too literal to be intel-
ligible—are commonly used.1' Muir, The Cordn, p. 48. The manuscript copies
in the mosques, in the library of the Khedive in Cairo, and in many European
libraries, are equal in caligraphic beauty to the finest mediaeval manuscripts of
the Bible.
2 44. THE KOEAN, AND THE BIBLEL 177
invented at a later period. The Koran contains many inconsis-
tencies and contradictions; but the expositors hold that the later
command supersedes the earlier.
The restoration of the chronological order of the Suras is neces-
sary for a proper understanding of the gradual development of
Isl^m in the mind and character of its author-1 There is a con-
siderable difference between the Suras of the earlier, middle, and
later periods. In the earlier, the poetic, wild, and rhapsodical ele-
ment predominates; in the middle, the prosaic, narrative, and
missionary; in the later, the official and legislative. Mohammed
began with descriptions of natural objects, of judgment, of heaven
and hell, impassioned, fragmentary utterances, mostly in brief
sentences ; he went on to dogmatic assertions, historical statements
from Jewish and Christian sources, missionary appeals and per-
suasions; and he ended with the dictatorial commands of a
legislator and warrior. " He who at Mecca is the admonisher
and persuader, at Medina is the legislator and the warrior, wbe
dictates obedience, and uses other weapons than the pen of the
poet and the scribe. When business pressed, as at Medina,
poetry makes way for prose,2 and although touches of the poeti-
cal element occasionally break forth, and he has to defend him-
self up to a very late period against the charge of being merely
a poet, yet this is rarely the case in the Medina Suras; and we
are startled by finding obedience to God and the Apostle, God's
gifts and the Apostle's, God's pleasure and the Apost&s, spoken
of in the same breath, and epithets, and attributes, applied to
Allah, openly applied to Mohammed, as in Sura IX."3
1 The present order, says Muir (Goran, p. 41), Is almost a direct inversion of
the natural chronological order; the longest which mostly belong to the later
period of Mohammed, being placed first, and the shortest last. Weil, Sprenger,
and Muir have paid much attention to the chronological arrangement !Nol-
deke also, in his Gesehickte des Qfrans, has feed the order of the Suras, with a
reasonable degree of certainty on the basis of Mohammedan traditions and a
searching analysis of the text; and he has been mainly followed by Eodwell in
his English version.
a The ornament of metre and Ayme, however, is preserved throughout.
«Bodwell,p.X.
178 FOURTH PERIOD. A. B. 590-1049.
The materials of the Koran, as far as they are not productions
of the author's own imagination, were derived from the floating
traditions of Arabia and Syria, from rabbinical Judaism, and a
corrupt Christianity, and adjusted to his purposes.
Mohammed had, in his travels, come in contact with profes-
sors of different religions, and on his first journey with camel-
drivers he feU in with a Nestorian monk of Bostra, who goes
by different names (Bohari, Bahyra, Sergius, George), and wel-
comed the youthful prophet with a presage of his future great-
ness.1 His wife Chadijah and her cousin Waraka (a reputed
convert to Christianity, or more probably a Jew) are said to
have been well acquainted with the sacred books of the Jews
and the Christians.
The Koran, especially in the earlier Suras, speaks often and
highly of the Scriptures; calls them "the Book of God," "the
Word of God/' "the Tour£t" (Thora, the Pentateuch), "the
Gospel" (Ynyil), and describes the Jews and Christians as "the
people of the Book," or "of the Scripture," or "of the Gospel."
It finds in the Scriptures prophecies of Mohammed and his suc-
cess, and contains narratives of the fall of Adam and Eve, Noah
and the Deluge, Abraham and Lot, the -destruction of Sodom
and Gomorrah, Moses and Joseph, John the Baptist, the Virgin
Mary and Jesus, sometimes in the words of the Bible, but mostly
distorted and interspersed with rabbinical and apocryphal fables.2
It is quite probable that portions of the Bible were read to Mo-
hammed; but it is very improbable that he read it himself; for
according to the prevailing Moslem tradition he could not read
at all, and there were no Arabic translations before the Moham-
medan conquests, which spread the Arabic language in the con-
quered countries. Besides, if he had read the Bible with any
degree of care, he could not have made such egregious blunders.
1 Muir, Life of Moh., 1. 35i Stanley, p. 365.
* See a collection of these correspondences in the original Arabic and in
English in Sir William Mini's Goran, pp. 66 sqq. Muir concludes that Mo-
hammed knew the Bible, and believed in its divine origin and authority.
2 44. THE KORAN AND THE BIBLE. 179
^
The few allusions to Scripture phraseology — as "giving alms to
be seen of men/' "none forgiveth sins but God only'7 — may
be derived from personal intercourse and popular traditions.
Jesus (Isa) is spoken of as "the Son of Mary, strengthened
by the Holy Spirit." Noah (Nuh), Abraham (Ibrahym), Moses
• (Jftba), Aaron (Harun), are often honorably mentioned, but
apparently always from imperfect traditional or apocryphal
sources of information.1
The Koran is unquestionably one of the great books of the
world. It is not only a book, but an institution, a code of civil
and religious laws, ckiming divine origin and authority. It
has left its impress upon ages. It feeds to this day the devo-
tions, and regulates the private and public life, of more than a
hundred millions of human beings. It has many passages of
poetic beauty, religious fervor, and wise counsel, but mixed with
absurdities, bombast, unmeaning images, low sensuality. It
abounds in repetitions and contradictions, which are not removed
by the convenient theory of abrogation. It alternately attracts
and repels, and is a most wearisome book to read. Gibbon calls
the Koran "a glorious testimony to the unity of God," but also,
very properly, an "endless, incoherent rhapsody of fable and
precept and declamation, which seldom excites a sentiment or
idea, which sometimes crawls in the dust, and is sometimes lost
1 Muir (Life, EL 313, 278) and Stanley (p. 366) adduce, as traces of a feint
knowledge of the Canonical Gospels, the account of the birth of John the Bap-
tist in the Koran, and the assumption by Mohammed of the name of Parade&us
under the distorted form of Peridytus, the Ittustrwus. But the former does not
strike me as being taken from St. Luke, else he could not have made such a
glaring chronological mistake as to identify Mary with Miriam, the sister of
Moses. And as to the promise of the Paraclete, which only occurs in St. John,
it certainly must have passed into popular tradition, for the word occurs also
in the Talmud. If Mohammed had read St. John, he must have seen that the
Paraclete is the Holy Spirit, and would have identified him with Gabriel,
rather than with Mmseli Palmer's opinion is that Mohammed could neither
read nor write, but acquired his knowledge from the traditions which were
then current in Arabia among Jewish and Christian tribes. The QuSdn, L,
p. xlviL
180 FOUETH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1040.
*
in the clouds."1 Beiske* denounces it as the most absurd book
and a scourge to a reader of sound common sense. Goethe, one
of the best judges of literary and poetic merit, characterizes the
style as severe, great, terrible, and at times truly sublime.
"Detailed injunctions," he says, "of things allowed and forbid-
den, legendary stories of Jewish and Christian religion, amplifi-
cations of all kinds, boundless tautologies and repetitions, form
the body of this sacred volume/ which to us, as often as we
approach it, is repellent anew, next attracts us ever anew, and
fills us with admiration, and finally forces us into veneration/'
He finds the kernel of Isl£m in the second Sura, where belief
and unbelief with heaven and hell, as their sure reward, are
contrasted. Carlyle calls the Koran "the confused ferment of
a great rude human soul; rude, untutored, that cannot even
read, but fervent, earnest, struggling vehemently to utter itself
in words ;" and says of Mohammedanism : " Call it not false,
look not at the falsehood of it; look at the truth of it For
these twelve centuries it has been the religion and life-guidance
of the fifth part of the whole kindred of mankind. Above
all, it has been a religion heartily believed," But with all his
admiration, Carlyle confesses that the reading of the Koran in
English is "as toilsome a task" as he ever undertook. "A
wearisome, confused jumble, crude, incondite; endless iterations,
long-windedness, entanglement; insupportable stupidity, in
short, nothing but a sense of duly could carry any European
through the Koran. We read it, as we might in the State-Paper
Office, unreadable masses of lumber, that we may get some
glimpses of a remarkable man." And yet there are Mohamme-
dan doctors who are reported to have read the Koran seventy
thousand times! What a difference of national and religious
taste ! Emanuel Deutsch finds the grandeur of the Koran chiefly
in its Arabic diction, "the peculiarly dignified, impressive, sono-
rous nature of Semitic sound and parlance; its sesguipedaMa
1 Decline and Fall of the It. &, Ck 50.
2 As quoted by Tholuck.
2 41 THE KORAff AND THE BIBLE. 181
verba, with their crowd of prefixes and affixes, each of them
affirming its own position, while consciously bearing upon and
influencing the central root, which they envelop like a garment
of many folds, or as chosen courtiers move round the anointed
person of the king." E. H. Palmer says that the claim of the
Koran to miraculous eloquence, however absurd it may sound
to Western ears, was and is to the Arab incontrovertible, and he
accounts for the immense influence which it has always exercised
upon the Arab mind, by the fact, "that it consists not merely
of the enthusiastic utterances of an individual, but of the popu-
lar sayings, choice pieces of eloquence, and favorite legends cur-
rent among the desert tribes for ages before this time. Arabic
authors speak frequently of the celebrity attained by the ancient
Arabic orators, such as Sh£ib&n Wail; but unfortunately no
specimens of their works have come down to us. The Qur*dn,
however, enables us to judge of the speeches which took so
strong a hold upon their countrymen."1
Of all books, not excluding the Vedas, the Koran is the most
powerful rival of the Bible, but falls infinitely below it in con-
tents and form.
Both contain the moral and religious code of the nations
which own it; the Koran, like the Old Testament, is also a
civil and political code. Botib. are oriental in style and imagery.
Both have the fresh character of occasional composition growing
out of a definite historical situation and specific wants. But the
Bible is the genuine revelation of the only true God in Christ,
reconciling the world to himself; the Koran is a mock-revela-
tion without Christ and without atonement Whatever is true
in the Koran is borrowed from the Bible; what is original, is
false or frivolous. The Bible is historical and embodies the
noblest aspirations of the human race in all ages to the final
consummation ; the Koran begins and stops with Mohammed.
The Bible combines eiylless variety with unity, universal appli-
1 The QuSdn, Introd. I, p. 1.
182 FOUETH PEKIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
cabillty with local adaptation; the Koran is uniform and mono-
tonous, confined to one country, one state of society, and one
class of minds. The Bible is the book of the world, and is
constantly travelling to the ends of the earth, carrying spiritual
food to all races and to all classes of society; the Koran stays
in the Orient, and is insipid to all who have once tasted the
true word of the living God.1 Even the poetry of the Koran
never rises to the grandeur and sublimity of Job or Isaiah, the
lyric beauty of the Psalms, the sweetness and loveliness of the
Song of Solomon, the sententious wisdom of the Proverbs, and
Ecclesiastes.
A few instances must suffice for illustration.
The first Sura, called "the Sura of Praise and Prayer/' which
is recited by the Mussulmans several times in each of the five
daily devotions, fills for them the place of the Lord's Prayer, and
contains the same number of petitions. We give it in a rhymed,
and in a more literal translation :
"In the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate I
Praise be to Allah, who the three worlds made,
The Merciful, the Compassionate,
The King of the day of Fate,
Thee alone do we worship, and of Thee alone do we ask aid.
Guide us to the path that is straight —
The path of those to whom Thy love is great,
Not those on whom is hate,
Nor they that deviate! Amen."2
"In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful
Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds !
The Compassionate, the Merciful !
King on the day of judgment I
Thee only do we worship, and to Thee do we cry for help*
Guide Thou us on the right path,
The path of those to whom Thou art gracious;
Not of those with whom Thou art angered,
STor of those who go astray." 8
1 On this difference Ewald makes some good remarks in the first volume of
his Biblical Theology (1871), p. 418.
8 Translated by Lieut. Burton.
3 Eodwdl, The Koran (2nd ed., 1876), p. 10.
2 45. THE MOHAMMEDAN BEUGIOff. 183
We add the most recent version in prose :
*' In the name of the merciful and compassionate God.
Praise belongs to God, the Lord of the worlds, the merciful, the
compassionate, the ruler of the day of judgment ! Thee we serve and
Thee we ask for aid. Guide us in the right path, the path of those Thou
art gracious to ; not of those Thou art wroth with ; nor of those who err " *
As this Sura invites a comparison with the Lord's Prayer infi-
nitely to the advantage of the latter, so do the Koran's descrip-
tions of Paradise when contrasted with St. John's vision of the
heavenly Jerusalem :
"Joyous on that day shall be the inmates of Paradise in their employ;
In shades, on bridal couches reclining, they and their spouses :
Therein shall they have fruits, and whatever they require —
* Peacs !' shall be the word on the part of a merciful Lord.
But be ye separated this day, 0 ye sinners!" 2
* * * * # *
"The sincere servants of God
A stated banquet shall they have
Of fruits ; and honored shall they be
In the gardens of delight,
Upon couches face to face.
A cup shall be borne round among them from a fountain,
Limpid, delicious to those who drink ;
It shall not oppress the sense, nor shall they therewith be drunken,
And with them are the large-eyed ones with modest refraining glances,
fair like the sheltered egg." 3
§ 45. The Mohammedan Religion.
Isl4m is not a new religion, nor can we expect a new one after
the appearance of that religion which is perfect and intended for
all nations and ages. It is a compound or mosaic of preexisting
elements, a rude attempt to combine heathenism, Judaism and
Christianity, which Mohammed found in Arabia, but in a veiy
1 E. H. Palmer, The Qw>aw, Oxford, 1880, Part L, p. 1.
2 Sura 36 (in Eodwell, p. 128).
8 The ostrich egg carefully protected from dust. Sura 37 (in Bodwell, p
69). Brides and wives always figure in the Mohammedan Paradise.
184 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
imperfect form.1 It is professedly a restoration of the faith of
Abraham, the common father of Isaac and of Ishmael. But it
is not the genuine faith of Abraham with its Messianic hopes
and aspirations looking directly to the gospel dispensation as its
goal and fulfilment, but a bastard Judaism of Ishmael, and the
post-Christian and anti-Christian Judaism of the Talmud. Still
less did Mohammed know the pure religion of Jesus as laid down
in the New Testament, but only a perversion and caricature of
it, such as we find in the wretched apocryphal and heretical
Gospels. This ignorance of the Bible and the corruptions of
Eastern Christianity with which the Mohammedans came in con-
tact, furnish some excuse for their misbelief and stubborn preju-
dices. And yet even the poor pseudo-Jewish and pseudo-Chris-
tian elements of the Koran were strong enough to reform the
old heathenism of Arabia and Africa and to lift it to a much
higher level. The great and unquestionable merit of Islam is
the breaking up of idolatry and the diffiision of monotheism.
The creed of Islam is simple, and consists of six articles : God,
predestination, the angels (good and bad), the books, the pro-
phets, the resurrection and judgment with eternal reward and
eternal punishment.
Monotheism is the corner-stone of the system. It is expressed
in the ever-repeated sentence : " There is no god but God (Allah,
1 Luther said of the religion of the Turks: "Also ids ein Glaub
yffidet aus der Judm, Christen und Htiden Olaube." Milman (II. 139) calls
Mohammedanism * the ^publication of a more comprehensive Judaism with
some depraved forms of Christianity." Kenan describes it as "the least ori-
ginal " of the religious creations of humanity. Geiger and Deutsch (both He-
brews) give prominence to the Jewish element. " It is not merely parallelisms/'
says Deutsch, "reminiscences, allusions, technical terms, and the like, of Juda-
ism, its lore and dogma and ceremony, its Halacha and Haggadah (which may
most briefly be rendered by 'Law' and 'Legend'), which we find in the
Koran; but we think Islam neither more nor less than Judaism as adapted to
Arabia— plus the apostieship of Jesus and Mohammed. Nay, we verily believe
that a great deal of such Christianity as has found its way into the Koran, has
found it through Jewish channels" (I c. p. 64).
2 45. THE MOHAMMEDAN EELIGION. 185
i. e.9 the true, the only God), and Mohammed is his prophet (or
apostle)." l Gibbon calls this a " compound of an eternal truth
and a necessary fiction." The first clause certainly is a great and
mighty truth borrowed fiom the Old Testament (Deut. 6:4);
and is the religious strength of the system. But the Moham-
medan (like the later Jewish, the Socinian, and the Unitarian)
monotheism is abstract, monotonous, divested of inner life and
fulness, anti-trinitarian, and" so far anti-Christian. One of the
last things which a Mohammedan will admit, is the diviniiy of
Christ. Many of the divine attributes are vividly apprehended,
emphasized and repeated in prayer. But Allah is a God of infi-
nite power and wisdom, not a God of redeeming love to all
mankind; a despotic sovereign of trembling subjects and slaves,
not a loving Father of trustful children. He is an object of
reverence and fear rather than of love and gratitude. He is the
God of fate who has unalterably foreordained all things evil as
well as good ; hence unconditional resignation to hi™ (this is the
meaning of Isl&m) is true wisdom and piety. He is not a hid-
den, unknowable being, but a God who has revealed T»n>se1f
through chosen messengers, angelic and human. Adam, Noah,
Abraham, Moses, and Jesus are his chief prophets.2 But Mo-
hammed is the last and the greatest.
CHRIST.
The Ghristology of the Koran is a carious mixture of facts
and apocryphal fictions, of reverence for the man Jesus and
denial of his divine character. He is called "the Messiah Jesnt
Son of Mary," or " the blessed Son of Mary." 3 He was a ser-
vant and apostle of the one true God, and strengthened by
1 Ld ttdha iW Allah, wa Muhammeda rrasufo >Udh. All&h is composed
of the article d, * the," and tZSfc, "a god," and is equivalent to the Hebrew JK
andJSfoAim. He was known to tJie Arabs before Mohammed, and r^arded as
the chief god in their pantheon.
1 A similar idea is presented in the pseudo-Clementine Homilks.
186 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
the Holy Spirit, i. e., the angel Gabriel (Dshebril), who after-
wards conveyed the divine revelations to Mohammed. But he
is not the Son of God ; for as God has no wife, he can have no
son.1 He is ever alone, and it is monstrous and blasphemous to
associate another being with Allah.
Some of the Mohammedan divines exempt Jesus and even his
mother from sin, and first proclaimed the dogma of the immacu-
late conception of Mary, for which the apocryphal Gospels pre-
pared the way.2 By a singular anachronism, the Koran confounds
the Virgin Mary with Miriam, " the sister of Aaron " (Harun),
and Moses (Ex. xv. 20 ; Num. xxi. 1). Possibly Mohammed
may have meant another Aaron (since he calls Mary " the sister
of Aaron," but not " of Moses ") ; some of his commentators,
however, assume that the sister of Moses was miraculously pre-
served to give birth to Jesus.3
According to the Koran Jesus was conceived by the Virgin
Mary at the appearance of Gabriel and born under a palm tree
beneath which a fountain opened. This story is of Ebionite
origin.4 Jesus preached in the cradle and performed miracles
1In rude misconception or wilful perversion, Mohammed seems to have
understood the Christian doctrine of the trinity to be a trinity of Father, Mary,
and Jesus. The Holy Spirit is identified with Gabriel. ''God is only one
God 1 Far be it from his glory that he should have a son !" Sura 4, ver. 169 ;
comp. 5, ver. 77. The designation and worship of Mary as "the mother of
God" may have occasioned this strange mistake. There was in Arabia in the
fourth century a sect of fanatical women called Collyridians (Ko^Avp/Jef ), who
rendered divine worship to Mary. Epiphanius, ITaer. 79.
1 As the Proteoangdium Jacoln, the Ifoang. de Natimtate Marias, the Swing.
Infantis Servatoris, etc. Gibbon (ch. 50) and Stanley (p. 367) trace the doctrine
of the immaculate conception directly to the Koran. It is said of Mary : " Re-
member when the angel said: *0 Mary! verily hath God chosen thee, and
purified thee, and chosen thee above the women of the worlds.'" But this
does not necessarily mean more than Luke i. 28. The Koran knows nothing
of original sin in the Christian sense.
9 Gerok, I e. pp. 22-28. This would be a modification of the rabbinical fable
that ordinary death and corruption Lad as little power over Miriam as over
Moses, and that both died by the breath of Jehovah.
4 Bosch (L c., p. 439) : t( Ihe Geburtsgeschichie Jesu im Koran ist nichts anderes
2 45. THE MOHAMMEDAN KEUGIOK 187
in His infancy (as in the apocryphal Gospels), and during His
public ministry, or rather Allah wrought miracles through Him,
Mohammed disclaims the miraculous power, and relied upon the
stronger testimony of the truth of his doctrine. Jesus proclaimed
the pure doctrine of the imity of God and disclaimed divine
honors.
The crucifixion of Jesus is denied. He was delivered by a
miracle from the death intended for Him, and taken up by God
into Paradise with His mother. The Jews slew one like Him,
by mistake. This absurd docetic idea is supposed to be the com-
mon belief of Christians.1
Jesus predicted the coming of Mohammed, when he said : "Q
children of Israel! of a truth I am God's apostle to you to con-
firm the law which was given before me, and to announce an
apostle that shall come after me whose name shall be Ahmed!"2
Thus the promise of the Holy Ghost, "the other Paraclete,"
(John xiv. 16) was applied by Mohammed to himself by a sin-
gular confusion of Paradetos (irapdxtyros) with Peridytos (xepi-
*Auroc, heard aft round, famous) or Ahmed (the glorified, theittus-
trious), one of the prophet's names.3
Owing to this partial recognition of Christianity Mohammed
<d& em mythologischer Mythus aus Ezech. 47 mit tingerwobenen judiscken Zugen, der
seine Heimath im Ebionismus hat"
1 Sura 4. This view of the crucifixion is no doubt derived from apocryphal
sources. The Gnostic sect of Basilides supposed Simon of Gyrene, the Jfamgd.
JfarraJbtt, Judas, to have been that other person who was crucified instead of
Jesus. Hani (EpisL Fund..) says that the prince of darkness was nailed to
the cross, and wore the crown of thorns.
8 Sura 61.
1 The Moslems refer also some other passages of Scripture to Mohammed
and his religion, e. g. Gen. rvi. 10; xvii. 20; 2cri. 12, 13; xxvii. 20 (the pro-
mise of God to bless Hagar and Ishmael) ; Deut. xviii. 15, 18 (the promise to
raise up a prophet like Moses) ; Isa. xzi. 67 (where Mohammed is supposed
to be meant by the ''rider on the camel/7 as distinct from Jesus, "the rider on
the ass "); John iv. 21 ; 1 John iv. 23 (where he is the spirit that is of God,
because he proclaimed that Jesus was a true man, not God) ; Deut. xxxii. 2
(where Sinai is said to mean the Jewish, Seir the Christian, and Paran the
Mohammedan revelation).
188 FOTJETH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
was originally regarded not as the founder of a new religion, but
as one of the chief heretics.1 The same opinion is expressed by
several modern writers, Catholic and Protestant. Dollinger says :
" Isltoi must be considered at bottom a Christian heresy, the
bastard offspring of a Christian father and a Jewish mother, and
5s indeed more closely allied to Christianity than Manichaeism,
which is reckoned a Christian sect." 2 Stanley calls Isl&m an
" eccentric heretical form of Eastern Christianity," and Ewald
more correctly, " the last and most powerful offshoot of Gnosti-
cism."
THE ETHICS OF ISLAM.
Eesignation (Islam) to the omnipotent will of Allah is the
chief virtue. It is the most powerful motive both in action and
suffering, and is carried to the excess of fatalism and apathy.
The use of pork and wine is strictly forbidden; prayer, fast-
ing (especially during the whole month of £amadh&n), and alms-
giving are enjoined. Prayer carries man half-way to God, fasting
brings him to the door of God's palace, alms secure admittance.
The total abstinence from strong drink by the whole people,
even in countries where the vine grows in abundance, reveals a
remarkable power of self-control, which puts many Christian
nations to shame. Mohammedanism is a great temperance society.
Herein lies its greatest moral force.
POLYGAMY.
But on the other hand the heathen vice of polygamy and con-
cubinage is perpetuated and encouraged by the example of the
prophet. He restrained and regulated an existing practice, and
gave it the sanction of religion. Ordinary believers are restricted
to four wives (exclusive of slaves), and generally have only one
1 So by John of Damascus and the mediaeval writers against IslAm. Peter
of Gtagny speaks of "hceresea Saaracenonm yivc Ismadifarum." Comp. Gass,
Ghnnadius und Befoo, p. 109.
f Lectwresonihe Eeunion of Churches, p. 7 (transL by Qxenham, 1872).
* Die Lehre der B&d wn, Gott, Vol. I. (1871), p. 418.
2 45. THE MOHAMMEDAN BEUGIOK 189
or two. But Califs may fill their harems to the extent of their
wealth and lust. Concubinage with female slaves is allowed to
all without limitation. The violation of captive women of the
enemy is the legitimate reward of the conqueror. The laws of
divorce and prohibited degrees are mostly borrowed from the
Jews, but divorce is facilitated and practiced to an extent that
utterly demoralizes married life.
Polygamy and servile concubinage destroy the dignity of wo-
man, and the beauty and peace of home. In all Mohammedan
countries woman is ignorant and degraded ; she is concealed from
public sight by a veil (a sign of degradation as well as -proteo-
tion); she is not commanded to pray, and is rarely seen in the
mosques; it is even an open question whether she has a soul, but
she is necessary even in paradise for the gratification of man's
passion. A Moslem would feel insulted by an inquiry after the
health of his wife or wives. Polygamy affords no protection
against unnatural vices, which are said to prevail to a fearful
extent among Mohammedans, as they did among the ancient
heathen,1
In nothing is the infinite superiority of Christianity over
Isl£m so manifest as in the condition of woman and family life.
"Woman owes everything to tihe religion of the gospel.
The sensual element pollutes even the Mohammedan picture
of heaven from which chastity is excluded. The believers are
promised the joys of a luxuriant paradise amid blooming gardens,
fresh fountains, and beautiful virgins. Seventy-two Houris, or
black-eyed girls of blooming youth will be created for the enjoy-
ment of the meanest believer j a moment of pleasure will be pro-
longed to a thousand years; and his faculties will be increased
a hundred fold. Saints and martyrs will be admitted to the
spiritual joys of tihe divine vision. But infidels and those who
refuse td fight for their faith will be cast into hell.
The Koran distinguishes seven heavens, and seven hells (for
o 7 ^
*Bom.i. 24sqq. See tte statements of Dr. Jessup of Beirut, /.c., p. 47.
190 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
wicked or apostate Mohammedans, Christians, Jews, Sabians,
Magians, idolaters, hypocrites). Hell (Jahennem=Gehenna) is
beneath the lowest earth and seas of darkness; the bridge over
it is finer than a hair and sharper than the edge of a sword;
the pious pass over it in a moment, the wicked fall from it into
the abyss.
SLAVERY.
Slavery is recognized and sanctioned as a normal condition of
society, and no hint is given in the Koran, nor any effort made
by Mohammedan rulers for its final extinction. It is the twin-
sister of polygamy; every harem is a slave-pen or a slave-palace.
"The Koran, as a universal revelation, would have been a per-
petual edict of servitude." Mohammed, by ameliorating the
condition of slaves, and enjoining kind treatment npon the mas-
ters, did not pave the way for its abolition, but rather riveted
its fetters. The barbarous slave-trade is still carried on in all
its horrors by Moslems among the negroes in Central Africa.
WAR.
War against unbelievers is legalized by the Koran. The
fighting men are to be slain, the women and children reduced to
slavery. Jews and Christians are dealt with more leniently than
idolaters; but they too must be thoroughly humbled and forced
to pay tribute.
§ 46. Mohammedan Worship.
"A simple, tuipartitioned room,
Surmounted by an ample dome,
Or, in some lands that favored lie,
With centre open to the sky,
But roofed with arched cloisters round,
That mark the consecrated bound,
And shade the niche to Mecca turned,
By which two massive lights are burned ;
With pulpit whence the sacred word
2 46. MOHAMMEDAN WOBSHIR 191
Expounded on great days i^ heard;
With fountains fresh, where, ere they pray,
Men wash the soil of earth away ;
With shining minaret, thin and high,
From whose fine trellised balcony,
Announcement of the hour of prayer
Is uttered to the silent air:
Such is the Mosque— the holy place,
Where faithM men of every race
Meet at their ease and face to face."
(From MILNES, "Palm Leaves.")
In worship the prominent feature of Islam is its extreme icon-
oclasm and puritauism. In this respeet, it resembles the ser-
vice of the synagogue. The second commandment is literally
understood as a prohibition of all representations of living crea-
tures, whether in churches or elsewhere. The only ornament
allowed is the "Arabesque/' which is always taken from inani-
mate nature.1
The ceremonial is very simple. The mosques, like Catholic
churches, are always open and frequented by worshippers, who
perform their devotions either alone or in groups with covered
head and bare feet. In entering, one must take off the shoes
according to the command : " Put off thy shoes from off thy feet,
for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground." Slippers
or sandals of straw are usually provided for strangers, and must
be paid for. There are always half a dozen claimants for
"backsheesh" — the first and the last word which greets the tra-
veller in Egypt and Syria. Much importance is attached to
preaching.*
Circumcision is retained from the Jews, although it is not
mentioned in the Koran. Friday is substituted for the Jewish
Sabbath as the sacred day (perhaps because it was previously a
1 The lions in the court of the Alhambra form an exception.
* For an interesting description of a sermon from the pulpit of Mecca, see
Burton's Pilgrimage, H. 314; HL 117, quoted by Stanley, p. 379. Burton
says, he had never and nowhere seen so solemn, so impressive a religious spec-
tacle. Perhaps he has not heard many Christian sermons.
192 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
day for religious assemblage). It is called the prince of days,
the most excellent day on which man was created, and on which
the last judgment will take place; but the observance is less
strict than that of the Jewish Sabbath. On solemn occasions
sacrifice, mostly in the nature of a thank-offering, is offered and
combined with an act of benevolence to the poor. But there is
no room in IslAm for the idea of atonement; God forgives
sins directly and arbitrarily, without a satisfaction of justice.
Hence there is no priesthood in the sense of a hereditary or
perpetual caste, offering sacrifices and mediating between God
and the people.1 Yet there are Mufties and Dervishes, who
are as powerful as any class of priests and monks. The Mus-
sulmans have their saints, and pray at their white tombs. In
this respect, they approach the Greeks and Roman Catholics;
yet they abhor the worship of saints as idolatry. They also
make much account of religious processions and pilgrimages.
Their chief place of pilgrimage is Mecca. Many thousands of
Moslems from Egypt and all parts of Turkey pass annually
through the Arabian desert to worship at the holy Kaaba, and
are received in triumph on their return. The supposed tomb
of Moses, also, which is transferred to the Western shore of
the Dead Sea, is visited by the Moslems of Jerusalem and the
neighboring country in the month of April.
Prayer with prostrations is reduced to a mechanical act which
is performed with the regularity of clock work. Washing of
hands is enjoined before prayer, but in the desert, sand is per-
mitted as a substitute for water. There are five stated seasons
for prayer : at day-break, near noon, in the afternoon, a little
after sunset (to avoid the appearance of sun-worship), and at
night-fall, besides two night prayers for extra devotion* The
mueddin or muezzin (crier) announces the time of devotion from
the minaret of the mosque by chanting the "Adan** or call to
prayer, in these words :
1 Gibbon's statement that "the Mo^|^1Timp^ftr| religion lias no priest and no
sacrifice," is substantially correct*
§ 46. MOHAMMEDAN WOBSHIIP. 193
" God is great!*' (four times). "I bear witness that there is no god
but God " (twice). "I bear witness that Mohammed is the Apostle of
God" (twice). "Come hither to prayers!11 (twice). "Come hither to
salvation!" (twice). "God is great! There is no other God!" And
in the early morning the crier adds : " Prayer is better than sleep !'*
A devout Mussulman is never ashamed to perform his devo-
tion in public, whether in the mosque, or in the street, or on
board the ship. Regardless of the surroundings, feeling alone
with God in the midst of the crowd, his face turned to Mecca,
his hands now raised to heaven, then laid on the lap, his fore-
head touching the ground, he goes through his genuflexions and
prostrations, and repeats the first Sura of the Koran and the
ninety-nine beautiful names of Allah, which form his rosary.1
The mosques are as well filled with men, as many Christian
lurches are with women. Isl£m is a religion for men ; women
are of no account; the education and elevation of the female
sex would destroy the system.
With all its simplicity and gravity, the Mohammedan wor-
ship has also its frantic excitement of the Dervishes. On the
celebration of the birthday of their prophet and other festivals,
they work themselves, by the constant repetition of "Allah,
Allah/' into a state of unconscious ecstacy, " in which they plant
swords in their breasts, tear live serpents with their teeth, eat
bottles of glass, and finally lie prostrate on the ground for the
dhief of their order to ride on horseback over their bodies." *
1 They are given in Arabic and English by Palmer, L c. L, Intr., p. Ixvii eq.
The following are the first ten :
1. ar-Ea'hman, the Merciful.
2. ar-Ra'htm, the Compassionate.
3. al-Malik, the Eider.
4. al-Quaddte, the Holy.
5. as-Salam, Peace.
6. al-Mu'min, the Faithful.
7. al-MuhAimtm, the Protector.
8. al-Haziz, the Mighty.
9. al-Gabbar, the Eepairer.
10. al-Mutakabbir, the Great.
* Description of Dean Stanley from his own observation in Cairo, Z.c^ p. 385.
194 FOUKTH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
I will add a brief description of the ascetic exercises of the
" Dancing" and "Howling" Dervishes which I witnessed in
their convents at Constantinople and Cairo in 1877.
The Dancing or Turning Dervishes in Pera, thirteen in num-
ber, some looking ignorant and stupid, others devout and in-
tensely fanatical, went first through prayers and prostrations,
then threw off their outer garments, and in white flowing gowns,
with high hats of stiff woolen stuff, they began to dance to the
sound of strange music, whirling gracefully and skilfully on their
toes, ring within ring, without touching each other or moving out
of their circle, performing, in four different acts, from forty to
fifty turnings in one minute, their arms stretched out or raised to
heaven, their eyes half shut, their mind apparently lost in a sort
of Nirwana or pantheistic absorption in Allah. A few hours
afterward I witnessed the rare spectacle of one of these very
Dervishes reeling to and fro in a state of intoxication on the
street and the lower bridge of the Golden Horn.
The Howling Dervishes in Scutari present a still more extra-
ordinary sight, and a higher degree of ascetic exertion, but des-
titute of all grace and beauty. The performance took place in a
small, plain, square room, and lasted nearly two hours. As the
monks came in, they kissed the hand of their leader and repeated
with him long prayers from the Koran. One recited with melo-
dious voice an Arabic song in praise of Mohammed. Then,
standing in a row, bowing, and raising their heads, they con-
tinued to howl the fundamental dogma of Mohammedanism, La
ilaha iff Afl!ah, for nearly an hour. Some were utterly exhausted
and wet with perspiration. The exercises I saw in Cairo were
less protracted, but more dramatic, as the Dervishes had long
hair and stood in a circle, swinging their bodies backward and
forward in constant succession, and nearly touching the ground
with their flowing hair. In astounding feats of asceticism the
Moslems are fully equal to the ancient Christian anchorites and
the fakirs of India.
J 47. CHRISTIAN POLEMICS AGAINST MOHAMMEDANISM. 195
§ 47. Christian Polemics against Mohaminedanism. Note on
Mormonism.
See the modern Lit. in | 38, p. 143.
For a list of earlier works against Mohammedanism, see J. ALB. FABBI-
dus: Delectus argumentorum et syllabus scriptorum, gui vertiatem
Christ, adv. Atheos, . . . Judceos et Muhammedanos . . . asseruerunt.
Hamb., 1725, pp. 119 sqq., 735 sqq. J. G. WALCH : JBibliotheea The-
olog. Sekcta (Jense, 1757), Tom. L 611 sqq. Appendix to PBI-
DEATJX'S Life of Mahomet.
THEOD. BIBLIANDEE, edited at Basle, in 1543, and again in 1550, with
the Latin version of the Koran, a collection of the more important
works against Mohammed under the title: Machumetis Saracenorum
prineipis ejusque successorum wtce, doctrines, OG ipse Alcoran., I vol. fol.
EICHARDTTS (about 1300) : Cbnfutatio Alcorani, first pnbl. in Paris, 1511.
JOH. DE TUBRECREMATA: Troctatus contra prindpcdes errores perfidi
Mahometis et Turwrum. Eom., 1606.
LUD. MABACCnrs (MABACCI) : Prodromus adrefukdwnemAltwani; in qtto,
per IV. pr&cipuas verce religionis notas, mahumetanoR sectce falsitas
ostenditur, Christiana religionis ventas comprobatur. Eom. (typis
Congreg. de Propaganda Fide), 1691. 4 vols., small Oct.; also Pref.
to his Alcorani textus universus, Petav., 1698, 2 vols. fol.
HADB. EELAITD: De Eeligione Mohammedica. Utrecht, 1705; 2nd ed.
1717; French transl., Hague, 1721.
"W. GASS: Gennadius und Pktho. Breslau, 1844, Part L, pp. 106-181.
(Die Bestreitung des Islam im Mittelalter.)
The argument of Mohammedanism against other religions was
the sword. Christian Europe replied with the sword in the
crusades, but failed. Greek and Latin divines refuted the false
prophet with superior learning, but without rising to a higher
providential view, and without any perceptible effect* Christian
polemics against Mohammed and the Koran began in the eighth
century, and continued with interruptions to the sixteenth and
seventeenth.
John of Damascus, who lived among the Saracens (about
A.D. 750), headed the line of champions of the cross against the
crescent. He was followed, in the Greek Church, by Theodor
of Abukara, who debated a good deal with Mohammedans in
Mesopotamia, by Samonas, bishop of Gaza, Bartholomew of
Edessa, John Xantakuzenus (or rather a monk Meletius, for-
196 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
merly a Mohammedan, who justified his conversion, with the aid
of the smperor, in four apologies and four orations), Euthymius
Zigabenus, Gennadius, patriarch of Constantinople^ Prominent
in the Latin church were Peter, Abbot of Clugny (twelfth
century), Thomas Aquinas, Alanus ab Insulis, Eaimundus Lul-
lus, Nicolaus of Cusa, Eicold or Eichard (a Dominican monk
who lived long in the East), Savonarola, Job. de Turrecremata.
The mediaeval writers, both Greek and Latin, represent Mo-
hammed as an impostor and arch-heretic, who wove his false
religion chiefly from Jewish (Talmudic) fables and Christian
heresies. They find him foretold in the Little Horn of Daniel,
and the False Prophet of the Apocalypse. They bring him in
connection with a Nestorian monk, Sergius, or according to
others, with the Jacobite Bahira, who instructed Mohammed,
and might have converted him to the Christian religion, if ma-
lignant Jews had not interposed with their slanders. Thus he
became the shrewd and selfish prophet of a pseudo-gospel,
which is a mixture of apostate Judaism and apostate Christianity
with a considerable remnant of his native Arabian heathenism.
Dante places him, disgustingly torn and mutilated, among the
chief heretics and schismatics in the ninth gulf of Hell,
" Where is paid the fee
By those who sowing discord win their burden." *
1 Inferno, Canto XXVHL 22 sqq. (Longfellow's translation) :
"A cask by losing centre-piece or cant
Was never shattered so, as I saw one
Kent from the chin to where one breaketh wind.
Between his legs were hanging down his entrails;
TTifl heart was visible, and the ^for^l sack
That maketh excrement of what is eaten.
While I was all absorbed in seeing Mm^
He looked at me, and opened with his hands
His bosom, saying: 'See now how I rend me;
How mutilated, see, is Mahomet;
In front of me doth Ali weeping go,
deft in the face from forelock unto chin;
And all the others whom thou here beholdest,
Sowers of scandal and of schism have been
While living, and therefore are thus cleft asunder."*
j 47. CHRISTIAN POLEMICS AGAINST MOHAMMEDANISM. 197
This mediaeval view was based in part upon an entire igno-
rance or perversion of facts. It was then believed that Moham-
medans were pagans and idolaters, and cursed the name of
Christ, while it is now known, that they abhor idolatry, and
esteem Christ as the highest prophet next to Mohammed.
The Reformers and older Protestant divines took substantially
the same view, and condemn the Koran and its author without
qualification. We must remember that down to the latter part
of the seventeenth century the Turks were the most dangerous
enemies of the peace of Europe. Luther published, at Witten-
berg, 1540, a German translation of Richard's Chnfutatio Aleo-
raniy with racy notes, to show "what a shameful, lying, abomi-
able book the Alcoran is." He calls Mohammed "a devil and
the first-born child of Satan." He goes into the question, whe-
ther the Pope or Mohammed be worse, and comes to the .con-
clusion, that after all the Pope is worse, and the real Anti-Christ
(Endechmst). " Wohhn" he winds up his epilogue, "God grant
us his grace and punish both the Pope and Mohammed, together
with their devils. I have done my part as a true prophet and
teacher. Those who won't listen may leave it alone." Even the
mild and scholarly Melanchthon identifies Mohammed with the
Little Horn of Daniel, or rather with the Gog and Magog of
the Apocalypse, and charges his sect with being a compound of
"blasphemy, robbery, and sensuality." It is not very strange
that in the heat of that polemical age the Romanists charged the
Lutherans, and the Lutherans the Calvinists, and both in turn
the Romanists, with holding Mohammedan heresies.1
1 Maracci, Vivaldus, and other Eoman "writers point out thirteen or more
heresies in which Mohammedanism and Lutheranism agree, such as iconoclasm,
the rejection of the worship of saints, polygamy (in the case of Philip of Hesse),
etc. A fanatical Lutheran wrote a hook to prove that " the damned Calvinists
hold six hundred and sixty-six theses (the apocalyptic number) in common
with the Turks!" The Oalvinist Belaud, on the other hand, finds analogies to
Romish errors in the Mohammedan prayers for 'the dead, visiting the graves
of prophets, pilgrimages to Mecca, intercession of angels, fixed fasts, meritorious
almsgiving, etc.
198 FOUETH PERIOD. A. P. 590-104*.
In the eighteenth century this view was gradually corrected.
The learned Dean Prideaux still represented Mohammed as
a vulgar impostor, but at the same time as a scourge of God
in just punishment of the sins of the Oriental churches who
turned our holy religion "into a firebrand of hell for contention,
strife and violence/7 He undertook his " Life of Mahomet" as
a part of a " History of the Eastern Church," though he did not
carry out his design.
Voltaire and other Deists likewise still viewed Mohammed as
an impostor, but from a disposition to trace all religion to priest-
craft and deception. Spanheim, Sale, and Gagnier began to
take a broader and more favorable view. Gibbon gives a calm
historical narrative; and in summing up his judgment, he hesi-
tates whether "the title of enthusiast or impostor more properly
belongs to that extraordinary man. . . . From enthusiasm to
imposture the step is perilous and slippery; the daemon of Soc-
rates affords a memorable instance how a wise man may deceive
himself, how a good man may deceive others, how the conscience
may slumber in a mixed and middle state between self-illusion
and voluntary fraud."
Dean Milman suspends his judgment, saying : " To the ques-
tion whether Mohammed was hero, sage, impostor, or fanatic,
or blended, and blended in what proportions, these conflicting
elements in his character? the best reply is the reverential phrase
oflsl&m: < God knows/"1
Goethe and Carlyle swung from the orthodox abuse to the
opposite extreme of a pantheistic hero-worshiping over-estimate
of Mohammed and the Koran by extending the sphere of reve-
lation and inspiration, and obliterating the line which separates
Christianity from all other religions. Stanley, R. Bosworth
Smith, Emanuel Deutsch, and others follow more or less in the
track of this broad and charitable liberalism. Many errors and
prejudices have been dispelled, and the favorable traits of Isl&m
and its followers, their habits of devotion, temperance, and
1 Lot. Christianity, IL 120.
2 47. CHRISTIAN POLEMICS AGAINST MOHAMMEDANISM. 199
resignation, were held up to the shame and admiration of the
Christian world. Mohammed himself, it is now generally con-
ceded, began as an honest reformer, suffered much persecution
for his faith, effectually destroyed idolatry, was free from sordid
motives, lived in strict monogamy during twenty-four years of
his youth and manhood, and in great simplicity to his death.
The polygamy which disfigured the last twelve years of his life
was more moderate than that of many other Oriental despots,
Califs and Sultans, and prompted in part by motives of benevo-
lence towards the widows of his followers, who had suffered in
the service of his religion.1
But the enthusiasm kindled by Carlyle for the prophet of
Mecca has been considerably checked by fuller information from
the original sources as brought out in the learned biographies
of Weil, Noldeke, Sprenger and Muir. They furnish the au-
thentic material for a calm, discriminating and impartial judg-
ment, which, however, is modified more or less by the religious
standpoint and sympathies of the historian. Sprenger represents
Mohammed as the child of his age, and mixes praise and censure,
without aiming at a psychological analysis or philosophical view.
Sir William Muir concedes his original honesty and zeal as a
reformer and warner, but assumes a gradual deterioration to the
judicial blindness of a self-deceived heart, and even a kind of
Satanic inspiration in his later revelations. " We may readily
admit," he says, " that at the first Mahomet did believe, or per-
suaded himself to believe, that his revelations were dictated by
a divine agency. In the Meccan period of his life, there cer-
tainly can be traced no personal ends or unworthy motives to
1 The Mohammedan apologist, Syed Ameer All (The Life and Teachings of
Mohammed, London, 1873, pp. 228 sqq.)j makes much account of this fact, and
entirely justifies Mohammed's polygamy. But the motive of benevolence and
generosity can certainly not be shown in the marriage of Ayesha (the virgin-
daughter of Abu-Bakr), nor of Zeynab (the lawful wife of his freedman Zeyd),
nor of Safiya (the Jewess). AH himself must admit that "some of Moham-
med's marriages may possibly have arisen from a desire for male offspring."
The motive of sensuality he entirely ignores.
200 FOURTH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
belie this conclusion. The Prophet was there, what he professed
to be, 'a simple Preacher and a Warner ;' he was the despised
and rejected teacher of a gainsaying people ; and he had appa-
rently no ulterior object but their reformation. . „ . But the
scene altogether changes at Medina. There the acquisition of
temporal power, aggrandizement, and self-glorification mingled
with the grand object of the Prophet's previous life; and they
were sought after and attained by precisely the same instrument-
ality. Messages from heaven were freely brought forward to
justify his political conduct, equally with his religious precepts.
Battles were fought, wholesale executions inflicted, and territo-
ries annexed, under pretext of the Almighty's sanction. Nay,
even baser actions were not only excused, but encouraged, by
the pretended divine approval or command. . . , . The student
of history will trace for himself how the pure and lofty aspira-
tions of Mahomet were first tinged, and then gradually debased
by a half unconscious self-deception, and how in this process
truth merged into falsehood, sincerity into guile, — these opposite
principles often co-existing even as active agencies in his conduct.
The reader will observe that simultaneously with the anxious
desire to extinguish idolatry and to promote religion and virtue
in the world, there was nurtured by the Prophet in his own
heart a licentious self-indulgence ; till in the end, assuming to
be the favorite of Heaven, he justified himself by 'revelations'
from God in the most flagrant breaches of morality. He will
remark that while Mahomet cherished a kind and tender dispo-
sition, c weeping with them that wept/ and binding to his person
the hearts of his followers by the ready and self-denying offices
of love and friendship, he could yet take pleasure in cruel and
perfidious assassination, could gloat over the massacre of entire
tribes, and savagely consign the innocent babe to the fires of
hell. Inconsistencies such as these continually present them-
selves from the period of Mahomet's arrival at Medina; and it
is by the study of these inconsistencies that his character must
be rightly comprehended. The key to many difficulties of this
§ 47. CHRISTIAN POLEMICS AGAINST MOHAMMEDANISM. 201
description may be found, I believe, in the chapter <on the be-
lief of Mahomet in his own inspiration/ When once he had
dared to forge the name of the Most High God as the seal and
authority of his own words and actions, the germ was laid from
which the errors of his after life freely and fatally developed
themselves."1
Note on Mormonism.
SOURCES.
THE BOOK OF MORMON. First printed at Palmyra, K Y., 1830. Written
by the Prophet Mormon, three hundred years after Christ, upon plates
of gold in the " Reformed Egyptian " ( ? ) language, and translated by
the Prophet Joseph, Smith, Jun., with the aid of ITrim and Thummim,
into English. As large as the Old Testament. A tedious historical
romance on the ancient inhabitants of the American Continent,
whose ancestors emigrated from Jerusalem B. C. 600, and whose
degenerate descendants are the red Indians. Said to have been
written as a book of fiction by a Presbyterian minister, Samuel
Spalding.
THE DOCTRINES AND COVENANTS OF THE CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST
OF THE LATTER DAY SAINTS. Salt Lake City, Utah Territory.
Contains the special revelations given to Joseph Smith and Brigham
Young at different times. Written m similar style and equally insipid
as the Book of Mormon.
A CATECHISM FOR CHILDREN BY ELDER JOHN JAQUES. Salt Lake
City. 25th thousand, 1877.
We cannot close this chapter on Oriental Mohammedanism without
some remarks on the abnormal American phenomenon of Mormonism,
which arose in the nineteenth century, and presents an instructive analogy
to the former. JOSEPH SMITH (born at Sharon, VI, 1805 ; shot dead at
Kauvoo, in Illinois, 1844), the first founder, or rather BRIGHAM YOUNG
(d. 1877), the organizer of the sect, may be called the American Moham-
med, although far beneath the prophet of Arabia in genius and power.
The points of resemblance are numerous and striking: the claim to a
supernatural revelation mediated by an angel ; the abrogation of previous
revelations by later and more convenient ones ; the embodiment of the
revelations in an inspired book ; the eclectic character of the system,
•which is compounded of Jewish, heathenish, and all sorts of sectarian
Christian elements ; the intense fanaticism and heroic endurance of the
1 Life of Mah., IV. 317, 322.
202 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
early Mormons amidst violent abuse and persecution from state to state,
till they found a refdge in the desert of Utah Territory, which they turned
into a garden ; the missionary zeal in sending apostles to distant lands
and importing proselytes to their Eldorado of saints from the ignorant
population of England, Wales, Norway, Germany, and Switzerland ; the
union of religion with civil government, in direct opposition to the Ame-
rican separation of church and state; the institution of polygamy in defi-
ance of the social order of Christian civilization. In sensuality and ava-
rice Brigham Young surpassed Mohammed ; for he left at his death in
Salt Lake City seventeen wives, sixteen sons, and twenty-eight daughters
(having had in all fifty-six or more children), and property estimated at
two millions of dollars-1
The government of the United States cannot touch the Mormon reli-
gion ; but it can regulate the social institutions connected therewith, as
long as Utah is a Territory under the immediate jurisdiction of Congress.
Polygamy has been prohibited by law in the Territories under its con-
trol, and President Hayes has given warning to foreign governments (in
1879) that Mormon converts emigrating to the United States run the
risk of punishment for violating the laws of the land. President Garfield
(in his inaugural address, March 4, 1881) took the same decided ground
on the Mormon question, saying: "The Mormon church not only offends
the moral sense of mankind by sanctioning polygamy, but prevents the
administration of justice through the ordinary instrumentalities of law.
In my judgment it is the duty of Congress, while respecting to the utter-
most the conscientious convictions and religious scruples of every citizen,
to prohibit within its jurisdiction all criminal practices, especially of that
class which destroy the family relations and endanger social order. Nor
can any ecclesiastical organization be safely permitted to usurp in the
smallest degree the functions and powers of the National Government."
His successor, President Arthur, in his last message to Congress, Dec.
1884, again recommends that Congress " assume absolute political control
of the Territory of Utah," and says : " I still believe that if that abomin-
able practice [polygamy] can be suppressed by law it can only be by the
most radical legislation consistent with the restraints of the Constitu-
tion/7 The secular and religious pre.ss of America, with few exceptions,
supports these sentiments of the chief magistrate.
Since the annexation of Utah to the United States, after the Mexican
war, " Gentiles," as the Christians are called, have entered the Mormon
settlement, and half a dozen churches of different denominations have
been organized in Salt Lake City. But the "Latter Day Saints" are
vastly in the majority, and are spreading in the adjoining Territories.
Time will show whether the Mormon problem can be solved without
resort to arms, or a new emigration of the Mormons.
1 As stated in the NewYork Tribune for Sept. 3, 1877.
\ 48. GENERAL LITERATURE ON THE PAPACY. 203
CHAPTEE IV.
THE PAPAL HIEEABCHY AND THE HOLY BOMAN EMPIRE.
§ 48. General Literature on the Papaey.
*Bullarium Magnum Romanum a Leone M. usque ad Benedietum
Luxemb., 1727-1758. 19 vols., foL Another ed., of superior typog-
raphy, under the title : Buttarum . . . Romanorum Pontificum am-
plissima ColZectio, opera et studio G. Cocquelines, Bom., 1738-1758, 14
Tomi in 28 Partes fol. ; new ed., 1847-72, 24 vols. Bulfarii Romani
continuatio^ ed. A. A. Barberi, from Clement XIII. to Gregory XVI.,
Bom., 1835-1857, 18 vols.
*Mbnumenta Germanics ffistorica inde db anno Christi quingentesimo usque
ad annum millesimum et quingenfesimum; ed. by G. Hi Pertz (royal
librarian at Berlin, d. 1876), continued by G. Waitz. Hannoverse,
1826-1879, 24 vols. fol. A storehouse for the authentic history of
the German empire.
*ANASTAsnis (librarian and abbot in Borne about 870) : Liber PontificaM*
(or, De Vitis Roman. Pontificum). The oldest collection of biogra-
phies of popes down to Stephen VI., A. D. 885, but not all by Anas-
tasius. This book, together with later collections, is inserted in
the third volume of MURATORI, Rerum Ital. Seriptores (Mediol., 1723-
'51, in 25 vols. fol.) ; also in Migne, Patrol L. Tom. cxxvii. (1853).
ARCHIBALD BOWER (b. 1686 at Dundee, Scotland, d. 1766) : The History
of the Popes, from the foundation of the See of Borne to the present time.
3rd ed. Lond., 1750-'66. 7 vols-, 4to- German transl. by Bambach,
1770. Bower changed twice from Protestantism to Bomanism, and
back again, and wrote in bitter hostility to the papacy, but gives
very ample material. Bp. Douglas of Salesbury wrote again&t him.
CHR. F. WALCH: Entwurf einer vollstandigen JERstorie der romisehen
Pdpste. Gottingen, 2d ed , 1758.
G.J.PLANCK: Geschichte des Papstthums. Hanover, 1805. 3 vols.
L. T. SPITTLER: Oeschiehte des Papstthums; with Notes by J. Gurlitt,
Hamb., 1802, new ed. by H. E. G. Paulus. Heidelberg, 1826.
J. E. EIDDLE : The History of the Papacy to the Period of the Reforma-
tion. London, 1856. 2 vols.
F. A. GPRORER: Geschichte der Karolinger. (Freiburg, 1848. 2 vols.);
Allgemeine Ewchengeschichte (Stuttgart, 1841-J46, 4 vols.); Oregor
VII. und sein Zettalter (Schaffhausen, 1859-'64, 8 vols.). Gfrorer
began as a rationalist, but joined the Roman church, 1853, and died
in 1861.
FOUilTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
*PHIL. JAFFE : Eegesta Pontificum Eoman. ad annum 1198. BeroL, 18f»l ;
revised ed. by WATTENBACH, etc. Lips. 1881 sqq. Continued by
POTTHAST from 1198-1304, and supplemented by HARTTUNG (see
below). Important for the chronology and acts of the popes.
J. A. WYJLIE : The Papacy. Lond., 1852.
^LEOPOLD RANKE : Die romischen Papste, ihre Kirohe und ihr Sfaat im
16 und 17ten Jahrhundert. 4 ed., Berlin, 1857. 3 vols. Two English
translations, one by Sarah Austin (Lond., 1840), one by E. Foster
(Lond., 1847). Comp. the famous review ofMacaulay in the Edinb.
Review.
DOLJLINGER (R. C.) : Die Papstfabeln des Mittelalters. Munchen, 1863.
English translation by A. Plummer, and ed. with notes by If. J?.
Smith. New York, 1872.
*W. GIESEBRECHT : Geschichte der Deutschen Kaiserzeit. Braunschweig,
1855. 3rd ed., 1863 sqq., 5 vols. A political history of the German
empire, but with constant reference to the papacy in its close contact
with it.
*THOMAS GREENWOOD : Cathedra, Petri. A Political History of the great
Latin Patriarchate. London, 1856-'72, 6 vols.
C. DE CHERRIER: Histoire de la lutte des popes et des empereurs de la
maison de swabe, de ces causes et des ses effets. Paris, 1858. 3 vols.
*RuD. BAXMANN : Die PolWs der Pdpste von Gregor I. bis Gregor VII.
Elberfeld, 1868, J69. 2 vols.
*F. GBEGOKOVIUS : Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, vom 5. bis
zum 16 Jahrh. 8 vols. Stuttgart, 1859-1873. 2 ed., 1869 ff.
A. v. REUMONT : Geschichte der Stadt Horn. Berlin, 1867-70, 3 vols.
C. HOFLER (R. 0.) : Die Avignonischen Papste9 ihre Machtfulle und ihr
Untergang. Wien, 1871.
R. ZOPFFEL : Die Papstwahlen und die mit ihnen im nachsten Zlusammen-
hange stehenden Ceremonien in ihrer Entwicklung vom 11 bis 14. Jahr-
hundert. Gottingen, 1872.
* JAMES BRYCE (Prof, of Civil Law in Oxford) : The Holy Eoman Empire,
London, 3rd ed., 1871, 8th ed. enlarged, 1880.
W. WATTENBACH : GesehMtc. desrbmischen Ptrpstthums. Berlin, 1876.
*Jtn,. VON PFiiTJGK-HARTTiiNG : Acta Pontificum Romanorum inedita.
Bd. I. Urkunden der Papste A. D. 748-1198. Gotha, 1880.
O, J. REICHEL : The See of Rome in the Middle Aqes. Lond. 1870,
MAXWELL CREIGHTON: History of the Papacy during the Reformation.
London 1882. 2 vols.
J. N. MURPHY (R. O.) : The Ghair of Peter, or the Papacy and its Bene-
fits. London 1883.
\ 49. CHEONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE POPES, ETC. 205
§ 49. Chronological Table of the Popes, Anti-Popes, and Eoman
Emperors from Gregory I. to Leo XIIL
We present here, for convenient reference, a complete list of
the Popes, Anti-Popes, and Eoman Emperors, from Pope Gre-
gory I. to Leo XIIL, and from Charlemagne to Francis IL,
the last of the Gferman-Roman emperors : l
A.D.
POPES.
ANTI-POPES.
EMPERORS.
A.D.
590-604
St. Gregory L
(GREEK EMPEROBS)
Maurice.
582
(the Great).
Phocas.
602
604-606
Sabinianus.
607
Boniface III.
608-615
Boniface IV.
Heraclius.
610
615-618
Deusdedit.
619-625
Boniface V.
625-638
Honorius I.
638(?)-640
640-642
642-649
Severinus.
John IV.
Theodoras L
Constantine HI.
ConstansII.
641
619-053 [055]
654-657
657-672
St. Martin I.
Eugenius I.
Vitalianus.
CJonstantine IV-
[Pogonatos.)
668
672-676
Adeodatus.
676-678
Donus or Dom
nusL
678-681
Agatho.
682-683
Leo II.
683-685
Benedict II.
685-686
John V.
Justinian II.
685
686-687
Conon.
687-692
Paschal.
Leontius.
694
687
Theodoras.
Tiberius HI.
697
687-701
Sergius I.
Fustinus II. restored
705
701-705
John VL
PhilippicusBardanes
711
705-707
John VII.
Anastasius II.
713
708
Sisinnius.
Theodosius III.
716
708-715
Constantine L
Leo in. (the Isau-
715-731
Gregory II.
rian).
718
731-741
Gregory HI.
Charles Martel. d.
741, defeated the
Saracens at Tours,
732.)
741-752
Zacharias.
Pepin the Short,
1 This list is compiled from Jaffe* (Regesta), Potthast (Bibl. Hist. Medii Mm,
Supplement, 259-267), and other sources. The whole number of popes from
the Apostle Peter to Leo XIIL is 263.
The emperors marked with an asterisk were crowned by the pope; the
others were simply kings and emperors of Germany.
206
FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
A.B.
POPES.
AMI-POPES.
EMPERORS.
A.2>.
752
Stephen IL
Boman (Patricias) .
741
75^-757
Stephen HL (EL)
757-767
Paul I.
767-768
Constantine II.
ROMAN EMPERORS
768
Philippus.
768-772
Stephen IV.
772-795
Adrian I.
*Charlemagne
768-814
795-816
Leo UI.
Crowned emperor at
810-817
Stephen V.
Borne,
800
817-824
Paschal L
*Louis the Pious.
824-827
Eugenius IL
(le De*bonnaire).
814r-840
827
Valentinus.
Crowned em. at Rheims-
816
827-844
Gregory IV.
*Lothaire I. (crown-
844
John (diaconus).
ed 823).
840-855
844-847
Sergius II.
(Louis the German,
847-855
Leo IV.
King of Germany,
The mythical
papess Joan or John
840-876.)
855-858
Benedict III.
VEIL
855
Anastasius.
*Louis II. (in Italy)
855-875
858-867
Nicolas L
867-872
Adrian H.
872-882
JohnVIH.
*Charles the Bald.
875-881
882-884
Marinus L
^Charles the Fat.
881-887
88^885
Adrian HJ.
885-891
Stephen VI.
*Araulf.
887-899
891-896
Formosus.
Crowned emperor,
896
896
Boni&ce VI.
896-897
Stephen VII.
(murdered).
897
Eomanus.
897
Theodoras II.
898-900
John IX.
(Louis the Child.)
899
900-903
Benedict IV.
903
LeoV.
Louis UI. of Pro-
903-904
904^911
Christophorus
Sergius in.
(deposed).
vence (in Italy).
Conrad I. (of Fran-
901
911-913
Anastasius HI.
conia), King of
913-914
Lando.
Germany.
911-918
914-928
John X-
Berengar (in Italy).
915
928-929
Leo VI.
Henry I. (the Fow-
929-931
931-936
Stephen VOL
John XL
ler), King of Ger-
many. The House
936-939
LeoVH.
of Saxony.
918-926
939-942
Stephen IX.
*Otto L (the Great).
936-973
942-946
Marinus II.
Crowned emperor,
962
946-955
Agapetus II.
955-963
John XII.
(deposed).
963-965
Leo VIII.
964
Benedict V.
(deposed).
965-972
John XIII.
972-974
Benedict VI.
*OttoIL
973-983
974-983
Benedict VIE.
(Boniface "VH.?)
983-984
John XIV.
(murdered).
*OttoIH.
983-1002
984-985
Boni&eeVH.
Crowned emperor,
996
49. CHKONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE POPES, ETC. 207
A.D.
POPBS.
ANTI-POPES.
EMPERORS.
J..D.
985-996
John XV.
996-999
Gregory V.
997-998
998-1003
1003
1003-1009
1009-1012
Silvester II.
John XVII.
John XVIII.
Sergius IV.
Calabritamis John XVI
*Henry II. (the Saint
the last of the
Saxon empe'rs -
Crowned emperor,
1002-1024
1014
1012-1024
Benedict VIII
*Gonrad II. The
1012
1024-1033
1033-1046
John XIX.
Benedict IX.
Gregory,
deposed).
House of Franconia
Crowned emperor
1024-1039
1027
1044-1046
1045-1046
1016-1047
Gregory VL
Clement II.
Silvester HI.
*Henry III,
Crowned emperor
1039-1056
1046
1047-1048
Damasus II.
1048-1054
Leo IX.
1054-1057
Victor II.
*Henry IV.
1056-1106
1057-105S
Stephen X.
Crowned by the An-
1058-1059
Benedict X.
(deposed).
tipope Clement
1084
1058-1061
Mcolas II.
1061-1073
Alexander II.
(Rudolf of Swabia.
1061
Cadalous (Honorius 11.).
rival).
1077
1073-1085
Gregory VII.
(Hildebrandj.
(Hermann of Lux-
1080-1100
Wibertus(Clement III.)
emburg, rival).
1081
1086-1087
Victor III.
1088-1099
Urban II.
1099-1118
Paschal II.
1100
Dheodoricus.
1102
Albertus.
*HenryV.
1106-1125
1105-1111
tfaginulfus (Silves-
1118-1119
Gelasius II.
ter IV.).
1138-1121
fordinus (Gregory
*Lothaire II (the Saxon
1125-1137
1119-1124
Calbrtus II.
YIU.).
1124
1124-1130
Bfonorius It.
Theobaldus Buccape-
cus (Celestine).
*Conrad IIL. The
House of Hohen-
1130-1143
[nnocent II.
staufen. (TheSwa-
1130-1138
1138
1143-1144
Celestine II.
Anacletus, n.
Gregory (Victor IV.).
bian emperors.)
Crowned Em. at Aix
1138-1152
1144-1145
jucius II.
1145-1153
Eugenius IIL
^Frederick I. (Bar-
barossa).
1152-1190
1153-1154
1154-1159
Anastasius TV.
Adrian IV.
Crowned emperor,
1155
1159-1181
AHeTar^r TIT
1159-1164
'ctavianus (Victor IV.)
•nido Cremensis
1164-1168
(Paschal III.),
bhannes de Struma.
1168-1178
(Calixtus III.).
1178-1180
1181-1185
jucius TTT.
Landus Titinus
(Innocent IIL).
1185-1187
JrbanllL
208
FOUKTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049-
A.l>.
POPES.
ANTI-POPES.
EMPERORS.
A.D.
1187
Gregory VIII.
1187-1191
Clement III.
*Henry VI.
1190-1197
1191-1198
Celestine III.
1198-1216
Innocent III.
Philip of Swabia, and
Otto IV. (rivals).
1198
*Otto IV.
1209-1215
1216-1227
Honorius III.
*Frederick II.
1215-1260
1227-1241
Gregory IX.
Crowned emperor.
1220
1241
Celestine IV-
1241-1254
Innocent IV.
(Henry Easpe, rival)
(William of Holland
rival).
Conrad IV-
1250-1254
1254-1261
Alexander IV.
Interregnum.
1254-1273
Richai d (Earl of Corn-
wall).
1261-1264
Urban IV.
Alfonso (King of Cas-
tile)— (rivals).
1257
1265-1268
Clement IV-
1271-1276
Gregory X.
Rudolf I. (of Haps-
1276
Innocent V.
burg). House of
1276
Adrian V.
Austria.
1272-1291
1276-1277
John XXL
1277-3280
Nicolas III.
1281-1285
Martin IV.
1285-1287
Honorius IV.
1288-1292
Nicolas IV.
Adolf (of Nassau).
1292-1298
1294
St. Celestine V.
(abdicated).
1294W303
Boniface VIII.
Albert I. (of Haps-
1303-1304
Benedict XI.
burg).
1298-1308
1305-1314
Clement V.1
*Henry Vff. (of
Luxemburg).
*Lewis IV. (of Bava-
1308-1313
1316-1334
1334-1342
John XXII.
Benedict XII.
ria).
(Frederick the Fair
131*4347
1342-1352
Clement VI.
of Austria, rival,
1314-1330.)
1352-1362
[nnocent VI.
*Charles IV- (of
1362-1370
1370-1378
Urban V.
Gregory XL
Luxemburg).
(Gunther of
1347-1437
1378-1389
Urban VL
Schwarzburg, rival).
1 Clement V. moved the papal see to Avignon in 1309, and his successors
continued to reside there for seventy years, till Gregory XL After that date
arose a forty years' schism between the Roman popes and the Avignon popes.
49. CBGBONOLOGIOAL TABLE OF THE POPES, ETC. 209
A.I>.
POPES.
Aim-POPES.
EMPEKOBS.
A.B.
1378-1394
1389-1404
1394^1423
1404-1406
1406-1409
1410-1415
1410-1415
1417-1431
1431-1447
1439-1449
1447-1455
1455-1458
1458-1464
1464-1471
1471-1484
1484-1492
1492-1503
1503
1503-1513
1513-1521
1522-1523
1523-1534
1534-1549
1550-1555
1555
1555-1559
1559-1565
1566-1572
1572-1585
1585-1590
1590
1590^-1591
1591
1592-1605
1605
1605-1621
1621-1623
1623-1644
1644-1655
1655-1667
1667-1669
Boniface IX.
[nnocentVIL
jSregory XII.
Alexander V.
JohnXXin.
Marian V.
Eugene IV*
Nicolas V.
GalixtnsIV.
PrasIL
PanllL
SixtnsIV.
Innocent Yin.
Alexander VL
Pinsin.
Julius II.
Leo X.
Hadrian VL
Clement VIL
Pauim.
Jnlinsin.
MarceUnsIL
PanllV.
Pins IV.
PinsV.
Gregory XBDE.
ShrtosV-
Urban VH.
Gregory XIV.
Innocent DL
Clement VIII.
Leo XL
PanlV.
Gregory XV.
Urban VICL
Innocent X.
Alexander VII
aement VIL
Benedict XHL
Wenzel (of Lnxem-
borg).
Bupert (of the Pala-
tinate).
*SipriRrmiTirl (cf T,nx-
1378-140Q
1400-1410
1410-1437
1438-1439
1440-1493
1452
1493-1519
1519-1558
1530
1558-1564
1564-1576
1576-1612
1612-1619
1619-1637
1637-1657
1657-1705
(deposed, 1409)
(deposed),
(deposed).
dement YJLLJL
Felix V-
& t *
embnrg).
( Jobst of Moravia,
rival.)
Albert IL (of Haps-
burg).
*Fredericfcin.1
Crowned emperor.
Ma^mili^n T.
*Gnarles V*
Crowned emperor at
Bologna not in Borne
Ferdinand L
IjMftT-iittfKsTn ffr
EndolfIL
Matthias.
Ferdinand IL
Ferdinand IIL
Leopold L
Clement IX-
1 Frederick HI. was the last emperor crowned in Borne. Alt his successors,
except Charles VIL and Francis L, were of the House of Hapeborg.
210
FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
A.D.
POPES.
ANTI-POPES.
EMPERORS.
A.D.
1G07-1G76
Clement X.
1676-1689
Innocent XL
1689-1691
Alex'derVIII.
1091-1700
Innocent XII.
1700-1721
Clement XI.
Joseph I.
1705-1711
1721-1724
1724-1730
1730-1740
1740-1758
Innocent XIII.
Benedict XIII.
Clement XII.
Benedict XIV.
Charles VI.
Charles VIL (of Ba-
varia).
Francis I. (of Lor-
raine).
1711-1740
1742-1745
1745-1765
1758-1769
Clement XIII.
Joseph II.
1765-1790
1769-1774
Clement XIV.
1775-1799
Pius VI.
Leopold II.
1790-1792
Francis II.
1792-1806
1800-1823
Pius VIL
Abdication of Fran-
1823-1829
Leo XII.
cis II.
1806
1829-1830
1831-1846
1846-1878
Pius VIII.
Gregory XVI.
Pius IX. (long-
est reign).
'Francis I., Emperor
of Austria).
German Confederation
STorth German Con-
federation.
1814-1866
1866-1870
1878
Leo XIII.
[New German Empire.
1870
William I. of Prussia.
1870]
2 50. GKEGORY THE GBEAT. A.D. 590-604. 211
§ 50. Gregory the Great. A.D. 590-604
LITEBATUBE.
I GREGORII ML Opera. The best is the Benedictine ed. of D<m* de Ste
Martke (Dionysius Sammarthanus e congregatione St. Mauri), Par..
1705, 4 vols. fol. Eeprinted in Venice, 1768-76, in 17 vols. 4to.;
and, with additions, in Migne's Patrologw,, 1849, in 5 vols. (Toin.
75-79).
Especially valuable are Gregory's Epistles, nearly 850 (in third vol. of
Migne's ed.). A new ed. is being prepared by Paul Ewald.
II. Biographies of Gregory L
(1) Older biographies: in the " Liber Pontificalis;" by PATTLTTS DIACOITOS
(f797), in Opera L 42 (ed. Migne); by JOHANSTES DIACOOTS (9th
cent.), ibid., p. 59, and one selected from his writings, iMd., p. 242.
Detailed notices of Gregory in the writings of Gregory of Tours, Bede,
Isidorus Hispal., Paul WarneMed (730).
(2) Modern biographies :
G.LAU: Gregor Lna^hsdnem LelenuridnachsdnerLehre. Leipz.,1845.
B6HRINGER: Die Kirche Christi und ihre Zeugen. Bd. L, Abth. IV.
Zurich, 1846.
G. PFAHLER : Gregor der Gr. und seine Zeit. Frk£ a. M., 1852.
JAMES BARMBY: Gregory the Great. London, 1879. Also his art.
" Gregorius I." in Smith & Wace, " Diet, of Christ. Biogr.," IL 779
(1880).
Comp. JAFF6, NEANDER, MILMAIT (Book IJJ., ch. 7, vol. n.; 39 sqq.);
GREENWOOD (Book in., chs. 6 and 7); MONTALEMBERT (Lesmoines
d' Occident, Bk. V., Engl. transl., vol. H , 69 sqq*) ; BAXMANN (Poll-
tik der Pdpste, I. 44 sqq.) ; ZOPFFEI* (art Gregor L in th& new ed.
of Herzog).
" Whatever may be thought of the popes of earlier times/'
says Eauke,1 " they always had great interests in view : the care
of oppressed religion, the conflict with heathenism, the spread
of Christianity among the northern nations, the founding of an
independent hierarchy. It belongs to the dignity of human ex-
istence to aim at and to execute something great; this tendency
the popes kept in upward motion."
This commendation of the earlier popes, though by no means
applicable to all, is eminently true of the one who stands at the
beginning of our period.
1 Die Romischen Pdpste deslGund llten Jahrhwderts, Th. L, p. 44 (2nd ed.).
212 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
GEEGOBY THE FERST, or THE GREAT, the last of the Latin
fathers and the first of the popes, connects the ancient with the
mediaeval church, the Grseeo-Roman with the Eomano-Grermanic
type of Christianity. He is one of the best representatives of
mediaeval Catholicism: monastic, ascetic, devout and supersti-
tious ; hierarchical, haughty, and ambitious, yet humble before
God ; indifferent, if not hostile, to classical and secular culture,
but friendly to sacred and ecclesiastical learning; just, humane,
and liberal to ostentation; full of missionary zeal in the interest
of Christianity and the Roman see, which to his mind were
inseparably connected. He combined great executive ability
with untiring industry, and amid all his official cares he never
forgot the claims of personal piety. In genius he was surpassed
by Leo L, Gregory Vll., Innocent HI.; but as a man and as
a Christian, he ranks with the purest and most useful of the
popes. Goodness is the highest kind of greatness, and the
church has done right in according the title of the Great to him
rather than to other popes of superior intellectual power.
The times of his pontificate (A. D. Sept. 3, 590 to March 12,
604) were full of trouble, and required just a man of his train-
ing and character. Italy, from a Gothic kingdom, had become
a province of the Byzantine empire, but was exhausted by war
and overrun by the savage Lombards, who were still heathen
or Arian heretics, and burned churches, slew ecclesiastics, robbed
monasteries, violated nuns, reduced cultivated fields into a wil-
derness. Borne was constantly exposed to plunder, and wasted
by pestilence and famine. All Europe was in a chaotic state,
and bordering on anarchy. Serious men, and Gregory himself,
thought that the end of the world was near at hand. " What
is it/7 says he in one of his sermons, " that cati at "this time de-
light us in this world? Everywhere we see tribulation, every-
where we hear lamentation. The cities are destroyed, the castles
torn down, the fields laid waste, the land made desolate. Vil-
lages are empty, few inhabitants remain in the cities, and even
these poor remnants of humanity are daily cut down. The
2 50. GREGORY THE GREAT. A.D. 590-604. 213
scourge of celestial justice does not cease, because no repentance
takes place under the scourge. We see how some are carried
into captivity, others mutilated, others slain. What is it, breth-
ren, that can make us contented with this life? If we love such
a world, we love not our joys, but our wounds. We see what has
become of her who was once the mistress of the world .....
Let us then heartily despise the present world and imitate the
works of the pious as well as we can."
Gregory was born about A. D. 540, from an old and wealthy
senatorial (the Anician) family of Rome, and educated for the
service of the government. He became acquainted with Latin
literature, and studied Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustin, but was
ignorant of Greek. His mother Sylvia, after the death of Gor-
dianus, her husband, entered a convent, and so excelled in sanc-
tity that she was canonized. The Greek emperor Justin ap-
pointed him to the highest civil office in Eome, that of imperial
prefect (574). But soon afterwards he broke with the world,
changed the palace of his father near Borne into a convent in
honor of St. Andrew, and became himself a monk in it, after-
wards abbot. He founded besides six convents in Sicily, and
bestowed his remaining wealth on the poor. He lived in the
strictest abstinence, and undermined his health by ascetic ex-
cesses. Nevertheless he looked back upon this time as the hap-
piest of his life.
Pope Pelagius IL made Mm one of the seven deacons of the
Roman Church, and sent him as ambassador or nuntius to the
court of Constantinople (579).1 Has political tedning and exe-
cutive ability fitted Trim eminently for this post. He returned
in 585, and was appointed abbot of his convent, but employed
also for important public business.
1 Apocrisiarius (aicoKptfft&ptae, or fyyeAof), responsdis. Du Gauge defines it:
'' Nuntius, Legates . . prcesertim qui a pontifice Romano* vd etiam ab arckiepiscopi&
ad amifafom mittebantur, quo res ecdtswrum suarum peragerent, et dews ad prin-
dpem referrcnL" The Roman delegates to Constantinople were usually taken
from the deacons. Gregory is the fifth Roman deacon who served in this
capacity at Constantinople, according to Du Cange a. v. Apocrisiarius.
214: FOUETH PEBIOJX A. D. 590-1049
It was during his monastic period (either before or, more pro-
bably, after his return from Constantinople) that his missionary
zeal was kindled, by an incident on the slave market, in behalf
of the Anglo-Saxons. The result (as recorded in a previous
chapter) was the conversion of England and the extension of the
jurisdiction of the Roman see, during his pontificate. This is
the greatest event of that age, and the brightest jewel in his
crown. Like a Christian Caesar, he re-conquered that fair island
by an army of thirty monks, marching under the sign of the
cross. l
In 590 Gregory was elected pope by the unanimous voice of
the clergy, the senate, and the people, notwithstanding his strong
remonstrance, and confirmed by his temporal sovereign, the
Byzantine emperor Mauricius. Monasticism, for the first time,
ascended the papal throne. Hereafter till his death he devoted
all his energies to the interests of the holy see and the eternal
city, in the firm consciousness of being the successor of St. Peter
and the vicar of Christ. He continued the austere simplicity of
monastic life, surrounded himself with monks, made them bishops
and legates, confirmed the rule of St. Benedict at a council of
Eome, guaranteed the liberty and property of convents, and by
his example and influence rendered signal services to the monas-
tic order. He was unbounded in his charities to the poor.
Three thousand virgins, impoverished nobles and matrons re-
vived without a blush alms from his hands. He sent food
from his table to the hungry before he sat down for his frugal
meal. He interposed continually in favor of injured widows
and orphans. He redeemed slaves and captives, and sanctioned
the sale of consecrated vessels for objects of charity.
Gregory began his administration with a public act of humi-
liation on account of the plague which had cost the life of his
predecessor. Seven processions traversed the streets for three
days with prayers and hymns; but the plague continued to
ravage, and demanded eighty victims during the procession.
1 See above \ 10, pp. 30 sqq.
g 50. GEEGOEY THE GEEAT. A.D. 590-604. 215
The later legend made it the means of staying the calamity, in
consequence of the appearance of the archangel Michael putting
back the drawn sword into its sheath over the Mausoleum of
Hadrian, since called the Castle of St. Angelo, and adorned by
the statue of an angel.
His activity as pontiff was incessant, and is the more astonish-
ing as he was in delicate health and often confined to bed.
" For a long time," he wrote to a friend in 601, " I have been
unable to rise from my bed. I am tormented by the pains of
gout; a kind of fire seems to pervade my whole body: to live
is pain; and I look forward to death as the only remedy." In
another letter he says : " I am daily dying, but never die."
Nothing seemed too great, nothing too little for his personal
care. He organized and completed the ritual of the church,
gave it greater magnificence, improved the canon of the mass
and the music by a new mode of chanting called after him. He
preached often and effectively, deriving lessons of humility and
piety from the calamities of the times, which appeared to him
harbingers of the judgment-day. He protected the city of Eome
against the savage and heretical Lombards. He administered
the papal patrimony, which embraced large estates in the neigh-
borhood of Rome, in Calabria, Sardinia, Corsica, Sicily, Dalma-
tia, and even in Gaul and Africa. He encouraged and advised
missionaries. As patriarch of the West, he extended his pater-
nal care over the churches in Italy, Gaul, Spain, and Britain,
and sent the pallium to some metropolitans, yet without claim-
ing any legal jurisdiction. He appointed, he also reproved and
deposed bishops for neglect of duty or crime. He resolutely
opposed the prevalent practice of simony, and forbade the clergy
to exact or accept fees for their services. He corresponded, in
the interest of the church, with nobles, kings and queens in the
West, with emperors and patriarchs in the East. He hailed the
return of the Gothic kingdom of Spain under Eeccared from
the Arian heresy to the Catholic faith, which was publicly pro-
claimed by the Council of Toledo, May 8, 589. He wrote to
216 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
the king a letter of congratulation, and exhorted him to humility,
chastity, and mercy. The detested Lombards likewise cast off
Arianism towards the close of his life, in consequence partly of
his influence over Queen Theodelinda, a Bavarian princess, who
had been reared in the trinitarian faith. He endeavored to
suppress the remnants of the Donatist schism in Africa. Un-
compromising against Christian heretics and schismatics, he was
a step in advance of his age in liberality towards the Jews. He
censured the bishop of Terracina and the bishop of Cagliari for
unjustly depriving them of their synagogues; he condemned the
forcible baptism of Jews in Gaul, and declared conviction by
preaching the only legitimate means of conversion ; he did not
scruple, however, to try the dishonest method of bribery, and
he inconsistently denied the Jews the right of building new
synagogues and possessing Christian slaves. He made efforts,
though in vain, to check the slave-trade, which was chiefly in
the hands of Jews.
After his death, the public distress, which he had labored to
alleviate, culminated in a general famine, and the ungrateful
populace of Rome was on the point of destroying his library,
when the archdeacon Peter stayed their fury by asserting that
he had seen the Holy Spirit in the form of a dove hovering
above Gregory's head as he wrote his books. Hence he is rep-
resented with a dove. He was buried in St. Peter's under the
altar of St. Andrew.
NOTE. Estimates of Gregory I.
Bishop Bossuet (as quoted by Montalembert, II. 173) thus tersely sums
up the public life of Gregory: "This great pope . . . subdued the Lom-
bards; saved Borne and Italy, though the emperors could give him no
assistance ; repressed the new-born pride of the patriarchs of Constanti-
nople; enlightened the whole church by his doctrine; governed the
East and the West with as much vigor as humility; and gave to the
world a perfect model of ecclesiastical government."
To this Count Montalembert (likewise a Roman Catholic) adds: "It
was the Benedictine order which gave to the church him whom no one
would have hesitated to call the greatest of the popes, had not the same
g 50. GBEGOEY THE GBEAT. A.D. 59<M>04. 217
order, five centuries later, produced St. Gregory VII. ... He is truly
Gregory the Great, because he issued irreproachable from numberless
and boundless difficulties ; because he gave as a foundation to the in-
creasing grandeur of the Holy See, the renown of his virtue, the candor
of his innocence, the humble and inexhaustible tenderness of his heart."
"The pontificate of Gregory the Great/' says Gibbon (ch. 45), "which
lasted thirteen years, six months, and ten days, is one of the most edify-
ing periods of the history of the church. TTia virtues, and even his faults,
a singular mixture of simplicity and cunning, of pride and humility, of
sense and superstition, were happily suited to his station and to the tem-
per of the times."
Lau says (in his excellent monograph, pp. 302, 306): "The spiritual
qualities of Gregory's character are strikingly apparent in his actions.
With a clear, practical understanding, he combined a kind and mild heart ;
but he was never weak. Fearful to the obstinate transgressor of the
laws, on account of his inflexible justice, he was lenient to the repentant
and a warm friend to his Mends, though, holding, as he did, righteous-
ness and the weal of the church higher than friendship, he was severe
upon any neglect of theirs. With a great prudence in managing the
most different circumstances, and a great sagacity in treating the most
different characters, he combined a moral firmness which never yielded
an inch of what he had recognized as right; but he never became stub-
born. The rights of the church and the privileges of the apostolical see
he fought for with the greatest pertinacity; but for himself personally,
he wanted no honors. As much as he thought of the church and the
Roman chair, so modestly he esteemed himself! More than once his acts
gave witness to the humility of his heart: humility was, indeed, to to™
the most important and the most sublime virtue. His activity was pro-
digious, encompassing great objects and small ones with equal zeal.
Nothing ever became too great for his energy or too small for his atten-
tion. He was a warm patriot, and cared incessantly for the material as
well as for the spiritual weliare of his countrymen. More than once he
saved Borne from the Lombards, and relieved her from famine. . . . He
was a great character with grand plans, in the realization of which he
showed as much insight as firmness, as much prudent calculation of cir-
cumstances as sagacious judgment of men. The influence he has exer-
cised is immense, and when this influence is not in every respect for the
good, his tame is to blame, not he. His goal was always that which he
acknowledged as the best Among all the popes of the sixth and follow-
ing centuries, he shines as a star of the very first magnitude."
Bud. Baxmann (I.e., I. 45 sq.): "Amidst the general commotion
which the invasion of the Lombards caused in Italy, one man stood fast
on his post in the eternal city, no matter how high the surges swept over
it. As Luther, in his last will, calls himself an advocate of God, whose
name was well known in heaven and on earth and in hell, the epitaph
218 FOURTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
says of Gregory I. that he ruled as the consul Dei. He was the chief
bishop of the republic of the church, the fourth doctor ecelesice, beside the
three other powerful theologians and columns of the Latin church : Am-
brose, Augustine, and Jerome. He is justly called the pater ceremoniarum,
thejjater monachorum, and the Great. What the preceding centuries had
produced in the Latin church for church government and dogmatics, for
pastoral care and liturgy, he gathered together, and for the coming cen-
turies he laid down the norms which were seldom deviated from."
To this we add the judgment of James Barmby, the latest biographer
of Gregory (Greg., p. 191) : "Of the loftiness of his aims, the earnestness
of his purpose, the fervor of his devotion, his unwearied activity, and his
personal purity, there can be no doubt. These qualities are conspicuous
through his whole career. If his religion was of the strongly ascetic
type, and disfigured by superstitious credulity, it bore in these respects
the complexion of his age, inseparable then from aspiration after the
highest holiness. Nor did either superstition or asceticism supersede in
him the principles of a true inward religion— justice, mercy, and truth.
We find him, when occasion required, exalting mercy above sacrifice ;
he was singularly kindly and benevolent, as well as just, and even his
zeal for the foil rigor of monastic discipline was tempered with much
gentleness and allowance for infirmity. If, again, with singleness of
main purpose was combined at times the astuteness of the diplomatist,
and a certain degree of politic insincerity in addressing potentates, his
aims were never personal or selfish. And if he could stoop, for the
attainment of his ends, to the then prevalent adulation of the great, he
could also speak his mind fearlessly to the greatest, when he felt great
principles to be at stake."
§ 51. Gregory and the Universal Episcopate*
The activity of Gregory tended powerfully to establish the
authority of the papal chair. He combined a triple dignity,
episcopal, metropolitan, and patriarchal. He was bishop of the
city of Rome, metropolitan over the seven suffragan (afterwards
called cardinal) bishops of the Roman territory, and patriarch
of Italy, in fact of the whole "West, or of all the Latin churches.
This claim was scarcely disputed except as to the degree of his
power in particular cases. A certain primacy of honor among
all the patriarchs was also conceded, even by the East. But a
ymiversal episcopate, including an authority of jurisdiction over
the JSastern or Greek church, was not acknowledged, and, what
is more remarkable, was not even claimed by him, but emphati-
2 51. GEEGORY AND THE UNIVEESAL EPISCOPATE. 219
cally declined and denounced. He stood between the patriarchal
and the strictly papal system. He regarded the four patriarchs
of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, to whom
he announced his election with a customary confession of his
faith, as co-ordinate leaders of the church under Christ, the
supreme head, corresponding as it were to the four oecumenical
councils and the four gospels, as their common foundation, yet
after all with a firm belief in a papal primacy. Hig correspon-
dence with the East on this subject is exceedingly important.
The controversy began in 595, and lasted several years, but was
not settled.
John IV-, the Faster, patriarch of Constantinople, repeatedly
used in his letters the title "(Ecumenical" or '* universal bishop."
This was an honorary title, which had been given to patriarchs
by the emperors Leo and Justinian, and confirmed to John and
his successors by a Constantinopolitan synod in 588. It had
also been used in the Council of Chalcedon of pope Leo L1
1 Gregory alludes to this fact in a letter to John (Lib. V. 18, in Migne's ed.
of Greg. Opera^ vol. III. 740) and to the emperor Mauritius (Lib. V. 20, in
Migne HI. 747), but says in both that the popes never claimed nor used " hoc
temerarium lumen" ..." Certe pro beati Petri apostolorum prineipis hwwre, per
venerandam Cfialcedonensem, synodum JSomcww) pontifiti oblatum est [nomen istud
blasphemies]. Sed nullus eorum unqwm hoc singularitatis nomine uti consensit, ne
dum privatum atiquid daretur unit honore debito sacerdotes privarentur universi.
Quid est ergo quod nos hujus vocabuK gloriam et oblatam mm quoerimus, et alter wbi
hanc ampere et non oblatam prassumitf'* Strictly speaking, however, the fact
assumed by Gregory is not quite correct. Leo was styled okou/im/cdf ap^e-
K'USKOTCO$ only in an accusation against Dioscurus, in the third session of Chal-
cedon. The papal delegates subscribed: Vicarii apostolici universalis eodewh
PAPJB, which was translated by the Greeks : rrjs oiieovfisvutfie EKKfajaiag emcrKonov.
The popes claimed to be popes (but not bishops) of the universal church. See
Hefele, Conciliengesch. II. 526. Boniface IK. is said to have openly assumed
the title univ&rsalis episcopus in 606, when he obtained from the emperor Pho-
<aw a decree styling the see of Peter "caput omnium ecdesiarum." It appears
as serf-assumed in the Liber Diurnus, A.D. 682-'5, and is frequent after
the seventh century. The canonists, however, make a distinction between
"universcdis ecdesm episcopus" and "episcopw iwiversdis" or 'f cecvmcnicusj"
meaning by the latter an immediate jurisdiction in thd diocese of other bishops,
which was formerly denied to the pope. But according to the Vatican system
of 1870, he is the bishop of bishops, over every single bishop, and over all
220 FOURTH PERIOD. A. B. 590-1049.
But Gregory I. was provoked and irritated beyond measure by
the assumption of his Eastern rival, and strained every nerve
to procure a revocation of that title. He characterized it as a
foolish, proud, profane, wicked, pestiferous, blasphemous, and
diabolical usurpation, and compared him who used it to Lucifer.
He wrote first to Sabinianus, his apocrisiarius or ambassador in
Constantinople, then repeatedly to the patriarch, to the emperor
Mauricius, and even to the empress; for with all his monkish
contempt for woman, he availed himself on every occasion of
the female influence in high quarters. He threatened to break
off communion with the patriarch. He called upon the empe-
ror to punish such presumption, and reminded him of the con-
tamination of the see of Constantinople by such arch-heretics as
jSTestorius.1
Failing in his efforts to change the mind of his rival in New
Borne, he addressed himself to the patriarchs of Alexandria and
Antioch, and played upon their jealousy; but they regarded the
title simply as a form of honor, and one of them addressed him
as oecumenical pope, a compliment which Gregory could not
consistently accept.2
After the death of John the Faster in 596, Gregory instructed
his ambassador at Constantinople to demand from the new pa-
triarch, Cyriacus, as a condition of intercommunion, the renun-
ciation of the wicked title, and in a letter to Maurice he went
so far as to declare, that "whosoever calls himself universal priest,
or desires to be called so, was the forerunner of Antichrist"3
bishops put together, and all bishops are dimply his vicars, as he himself is
the vicar of Christ. See my Greed* of Oftntfendkn^ L 151.
1 See the letters in Lib. V. 18-21 (Migne HI. 738-751). Bos predecessor,
Pelagius IT. (578-690), had already strongly denounced the assumption of the
title by John, and at the same time disclaimed it for himself, while yet dearly
asserting the universal primacy of the see of Peter. See Migne, Tom. LXXU-
739, and Baronius, ad aim. 687.
VL 60 ; VH. 34, 40.
8J2j». VJLX.13: tl^oavt€mconfdenferdicoquM qwisquis w wiversafan men
doten woo*, vd vocari desidcnt, in datione sua Antickristom praxwrrit, guia super-
biendo se eoeteris prceponit."
1 5L GEEGOBY AND THE UNIVEBSAL EPISCOPATE. 221
In opposition to these high^onnding epithets, Gregory called
himself, in proud humility, "the servant of the servants of God.*1
This became one of the standing titles of the popes, although it
sounds like irony in conjunction with their astounding claims.
But his remonstrance was of no avail. Neither the patriarch
nor the emperor obeyed his wishes. Hence he hailed a change
of government which occurred in 602 by a violent revolution.
When Phocas, an ignorant, red-haired, beardless, vulgar, cruel
and deformed upstart, after the most atrocious murder of Mau-
rice and his whole family (a wife, six sons and three daughters),
ascended the throne, Gregory hastened to congratulate him and
his wife Leontia (who was not much better) in most enthusiastic
terms, calling on heaven and earth to rejoice at their accession,
and vilifying the memory of the dead emperor as a tyrant, from
whose yoke the church was now fortunately freed*2 This is
a dark spot, but the only really dark and inexcusable spot in the
life of this pontiff. He seemed to have acted in this case on the
infamous maimm that the end justifies the means.3 His motive
1 "Serws servorum, Dei." See Joa. Diaconas, Vti- Greg. IL 1, and Lib. Dir
urnus, in Migne, Tom. CV. 23. Augustin (Epixt. 217, ad Vtodem) had before
subscribed himself: te Serous Gkristi, etperipsum serous servorum ejus" Oomp.
Matt. xx. 26 ; xxiii. 11. Fulgentius styled himself "Serwnm Christi famulus:'
The popes ostentatiously wash the beggars' feet at St. Peter's in holy week, in
imitation of Christ's example, hut expect kings and queens to kiss their toe.
* His letter llad Phocam imperatorem," Ep. XIIL 31 (HI. 1281 in Migne)
begins with " Gfloria in excdsis Deo, gv&juxta quod scriptwn est, immvtat tempora
ettmtfertregna." Comp. his letter*' ad ieon^
* Gibbon (ch. 46) : "As alsubject and a Christian, it was the duty of Gregory
to acquiesce in the established government; but the joyfbl applause with which
he salutes the fortune of the assassin, has sullied, with indelible disgrace, the
character of the saint." Milman (II. 83): "The darkest stain on the name
of Gregory is his cruel and unchristian triumph in the fall of the Emperor
Maurice— his bane and adulatory praise of Phocas, the most odious and san-
guinary tyrant who had ever seized the throne of Constantinople.'9 Monta-
lembert says (EL 116): "This is the only stain in the life of Gregory. Wedo
not attempt either to conceal or excuse it - . . Among the greatest and holiest
of mortals, virtue, like wisdom, always feJls short m some respect" It is cha-
ritable to assume, with Baronius and other Boman Catholic historians, that
Gregory, although usually very well informed, at the time he expressed his
extravagant joy at the elevation of Phocas, knew only the fcct, and not the
222 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
was no doubt to secure the protection and aggrandizement of the
Eoman see. He did not forget to remind the empress of the
papal proof-text : " Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will
build my church," and to add : " I do not doubt that you will
take care to oblige and bind him to you, by whom you desire to
be loosed from your sins."
The murderer and usurper repaid the favor by taking side
with the pope against his patriarch (Cyriacus), who had shown
sympathy with the unfortunate emperor. He acknowledged the
Eoman church to be "the head of all churches."1 But if he
ever made such a decree at the instance of Boniface III., who
at that time was papal nuntius at Constantinople, he must have
meant merely such a primacy of honor as had been before con-
ceded to Eome by the Council of Chalcedon and the emperor
Justinian. At all events the disputed title continued to be used
by the patriarchs and emperors of Constantinople. Phocas, after
a disgraceful reign (602-610), was stripped of the diadem and
purple, loaded with chains, insulted, tortured, beheaded and
cast into the flames. He was succeeded by Heraclius.
In this whole controversy the pope's jealousy of the patriarch
is very manifest, and suggests the suspicion that it inspired the
protest.
Gregory displays in his correspondence with his rival a sin-
gular combination of pride and humility. He was too proud to
bloody means of the elevation. The same ignorance must he assumed in the
case of his flattering letters to Branhilde, the profligate and vicious fury of
France. Otherwise we would have here on a small scale an anticipation of
the malignant joy with which Gregory XIII. hailed the fearful slaughter of
the Huguenots.
1 The words run thus: "SRc [Phocas] rogante papa Sonifado MbM sedem
Romawz et apostoiiax ecdesics CAPTJT ESSE OMNIUM EGCLESIARTTB^ quia ecde&ia
(^nstantmopoUtana primam se omnium ecdesiarum wribdbat? Paulus Diaconus,
De Gest. Lamb. IV., cap. 7, in Muratori, Jfcr. ltd., 1. 465. Bat the authen-
ticity of this report, which was afterwards frequently copied, is doubtful. It
has been abused by controversialists on both sides. It is not the first declara-
tion of the Roman primacy, nor is it a declaration of an exclusive primacy, nor
an abrogation of the title of ''ecumenical patriarch " on the part of the bishop
of Constantinople. Comp. Greenwood, vol. II. 239 sqq.
2 51. GBEGOEY AND THE UNIVERSAL EPISCOPATE. 223
concede to him the title of a universal bishop, and yet too hum-
ble or too inconsistent to claim it for himself. His arguments
imply that he would have the best right to the title, if it were
not wrong in itself. His real opinion is perhaps best expressed
in a letter to Eulogius of Alexandria. He accepts all the com-
pliments which Eulogius paid to him as the successor of Peter,
whose very name signifies firmness and solidity; but he ranks
Antioch and Alexandria likewise as sees of Peter, which are
nearly, if not quite, on a par with that of Rome, so that the
three, as it were, constitute but one see. He ignores Jerusalem.
"The see of the Prince of the Apostles alone," he says, "has
acquired a principality of authority, which is the see of one only,
though in three places (qwz in tribus lotis unius est). For he
himself has exalted the see in which he deigned to rest and to
end his present life [Rome]. He himself adorned the see
[Alexandria] to which he sent his disciple [Mark] as evangelist.
He himself established the see in which he sat for seven years
[Antioch]. Since, then, the see is one, and of one, over which
by divine authority three bishops now preside, whatever good I
hear of you I impute to myself. If you believe anything good
of me, impute this to your own merits ; because we are one in
Him who said: 'That they all may be one, as Thou, Father,
art in Me, and I in Thee, that all may be one in us9 (John
xvii. 21)." '
"When Eulogius, in return for this exaltation of his own
see, afterwards addressed Gregory as "universal pope," he
strongly repudiated the title, saying : " I have said that neither
to me nor to any one else (nee miM, nee cuiquam atteri) ought
you to write anything of the kind. And lo ! in the preface of
your letter you apply to me, who prohibited it, the proud title
of universal pope; which thing I beg yvwr most sweet Holiness
1 Ep. VII. 40 (Migne III. 899). This parallel between the three great sees
of Peter— a hierarchical tri-peisonality in unity of essence—seems to be entirely
original with Gregory, and was never used afterwards hy a Eoman pontiff. It
is fatal to the sole primacy of the Eoman chair of Peter, and this is the very
224 FOUBTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-4049.
to do no more, because what is given to others beyond what rea-
son requires is subtracted from you. I do not esteem that an
honor by which I know my brethren lose their honor. My
honor is that of the universal Church. My honor is the solid
strength of my brethren. I am then truly honored when all
and each are allowed the honor that is due to them. For, if
your Holiness calls me universal pope, you deny yourself to be
that which you call me universally [that is, you own yourself to
be no pope]. But no more of this : away with words which
inflate pride and wound charity I" He even objects to the ex-
pression, "as'thou hast commanded," which had occurred in his
correspondent's letter. "Which word, 'commanded/ I pray
you let me hear no more; for I know what I am, and what you
are: in position you are my brethren, in manners you are my
fathers. I did not, therefore, command, but desired only to in-
dicate what seemed to me expedient/'1
On the other hand, it cannot be denied that Gregory., while
he protested in the strongest terms against the assumption by
the Eastern patriarchs of the antichristian and blasphemous title
of universal bishop, claimed and exercised, as far as he had the
opportunity and power, the authority and oversight over the
whole church of Christ, even in the East. "With respect to
the church of Constantinople/' he asks in one of his letters,
"who doubts that it is subject to the apostolic see?" And in
another letter : " I know not what bishop is not sulject to it, if
fault is found in him/' "To all who know the Gospels/' he
writes to emperor Maurice, "it is plain that to Peter, as the
prince of all the apostles, was committed by our Lord the care
of the whole church (totius ecdesice euro). . . . But although
the keys of the kingdom of heaven and the power to bind and
to loose, were intrusted to him, and the care and principality
of the whole church (totius ecdesite cwra el prineipafas), he is
not called universal bishop; while my most holy fellow-priest
(vir sanetissimus eonsaeerdos meus) John dares to call himself
30 (III. 933).
2 52. THE WETTINGS OP GEEGOBY. 225
universal bishop. I am compelled to exclaim: 0 teznpara, 0
mores!"1
We have no right to impeach Gregory* s sincerity. But he
was clearly inconsistent in disclaiming the name, and yet claim-
ing the thing iteelf. The real objection is to the pretension of
a universal episcopate, not to lie title. If we concede the for-
mer, the latter is perfectly legitimate. And such universal power
had already been claimed by Roman pontifis before Gregory,
such as Leo L, Felix, Gelasius, Hormisdas, in language and ads
more haughty and self-sufficient than his.
No wonder, therefore, that the successors of Gregory, less
humble and more consistent than he, had no scruple to use
equivalent and even more arrogant titles than the one against
which he so solemnly protested with the warning: "God resist-
eth the proud, but giveth grace to the humble.773 But it is a
very remarkable fact, that at the beginning of the unfolding of
the greatest power of the papacy one of the best of popes should
have protested against the antichristian pride and usurpation of
the system.
§ 52. The Writinffs of Gregory.
Oomp. the second part of LAD'S biography, pp. 811 sqq., and ADOLF
EBEBT: GeschicMe der ChTiMwh-Latdnischcri Literatur, bis sum
Zettatter Karls der Grossen. Leipzig, 1874 sqq., vol. I. 516 sqq.
With all the multiplicity of his cares, Gregory found time for
literary labor. His books are not of great literary merit, but
were eminently popular and useful for the clergy of the middle
theology 'was based upon the four oecumenical councils
and the four Gospels, which he regarded as the immovable
. 20 (m. 745). He quotes in proof the peWexfe of popery, John
xxi. 17; LnkemLSl; Matt, xvi 18.
2 Such titles as TfauenaKs Epucapu* (used by Bonifece IIL, a year after
Gregory's death), Bw^fer Max****, Smm** Porffa Viearws ChrM, and
even "tp«i» Dei w fern* Tfcoms" (Cbiic. 2Wi. VL Dertfmn., e. 1). Fiwt
Vicar of Peter, then Vicar of Chris t, at last Vicar of God Almighty!
226 FOUKTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049-
pillars of orthodoxy; he also accepted the condemnation of the
three chapters by the fifth oecumenical council. He was a mo-
derate Augustinian, but with an entirely practical, unspeculative,
uncritical^ traditional and superstitious bent of mind. His de-
struction of the Palatine Library, if it ever existed, is now
rejected as a fable; but it reflects his contempt for secular and
classical studies as beneath the dignity of a Christian bishop.
Yet in ecclesiastical learning and pulpit eloquence he had no
superior in his age.
Gregory is one of the great doctors or authoritative fathers of
the church. His views on sin and grace are almost semi-Pela-
gian. He makes predestination depend on fore-knowledge;
represents the fallen nature as sick only, not as dead ; lays great
stress on the meritoriousness of good works, and is chiefly re-
sponsible for the doctrine of a purgatorial fire, and masses for
the benefit of the souls in purgatory.
His Latin style is not classical, but ecclesiastical and monkish;
it abounds in barbarisms ; it is prolix and chatty, but occasionally
sententious and rising to a rhetorical pathos, which he borrowed
from the prophets of the Old Testament.
The following are his works :
1. MdffTia JlforaMa, in thirty-five books. This large work
was begun in Constantinople at the instigation of Leander, bishop
of Seville, and finished in Rome. It is a three-fold exposition
of the book of Job according to its historic or literal, its allego-
rical, and its moral meaning.1
Being ignorant of the Hebrew and Greek languages, and of
Oriental history and customs (although for some time a resident
of Constantinople), Gregory lacked the first qualifications for a
grammatical and historical interpretation.
The allegorical part is an exegetical curiosity: he reads be-
1 Ify. missoria, cap. 3 (ed. Migne I. 513) : " Primum quidemfundmienta histo-
ries p<mimus; deiande per signifcationem, typicam in aartem fdd jabricam mentis
erigimus; ad ex6remum quogueper moraLitatis gratiaan, quasi superducto csdifidtm
oolore vestimus"
§ 52. THE WETTINGS OF GEEGOEY. 227
tween or beneath the lines of that wonderful poem the history
of Christ and a whole system of theology natural and revealed.
The names of persons and things, the numbers, and even the
syllables, are filled with mystic meaning. Job represents Christ ;
his wife the carnal nature; his seven sons (seven being the
number of perfection) represent the apostles, and hence the
clergy; his three daughters the three classes of the faithful laity
who are to worship the Trinity; his friends the heretics; the
seven thousand sheep the perfect Christians; the three thousand
camels the heathen and Samaritans; the five hundred yoke of
oxen and five hundred she-asses again the heathen, because the
prophet Isaiah says : " The ox knoweth his owner, and the ass
his master's crib; but Israel doth not know, my people doth not
consider."
The moral sense, which Gregory explains last, is an edifying
homiletical expansion and application, and a sort of compend of
Christian ethics.
2. Twenty-two Homilies on Ezekiel, delivered in Borne du-
ring the siege by Agilulph, and afterwards revised.
3. Forty Homilies on the Gospels for the day, preached by
Gregory at various times, and afterwards edited.
4. Liber Reguke Pastoralis, in four parts. It is a pastoral
theology, treating of the duties and responsibilities of the minis-
terial office, in justification of his reluctance to undertake the
burden of the papal dignity. It is more practical than Chrysos-
tom's "Priesthood" It was held in the highest esteem in the
Middle Ages, translated into Greek by order of the emperor
Maurice, and into Anglo-Saxon by King Alfred, and given to
the bishops in France at their ordination, together with the book
of canons, as a guide in the discharge of their duties. Gregory,
according to the spirit of his age, enjoins strict celibacy even
upon sub-deacons. But otherwise he gives most excellent advice
suitable to all times. He makes preaching one of the chief duties
of pastors, in the discharge of which he himself set a good ex-
ample. He warns them to guard against the besetting sin of
228 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
pride at the very outset; for they will not easily learn humility
in ajhigh position. They should preach by their lives as well
as their words. "He who, by the necessity of his position, is
required to speak the highest things, is compelled by the same
necessity to exemplify the highest. For that voice best pene-
trates the hearts of hearers which the life of the speaker com-
mends, because what he commends in his speech he helps to
practice by his example." He advises to combine meditation
and action. " Our Lord," he says, "continued in prayer on the
mountain, but wrought miracles in the cities; showing to pastors
that while aspiring to the highest, they should mingle in sym-
pathy with the necessities of the infirm. The more kindly cha-
rity descends to the lowest, the more vigorously it recurs to the
highest." The spiritual ruler should never be so absorbed in
external cares as to forget the inner life of the soul, nor neglect
external things in the care for his inner life. u The word of
doctrine fails to penetrate the mind of the needy, unless com-
mended by the hand of compassion."
5. Four books of Dialogues on the lives and miracles of St.
Benedict of Nursia and other Italian saints, and on the immor-
tality of the soul (593). These dialogues between Gregory and
the Roman archdeacon Peter abound in incredible marvels and
visions of the state of departed souls. He acknowledges, how-
ever, that he knew these stories only from hearsay, and defends
his recording them by the example of Mark and Luke, who
reported the gospel from what they heard of the eye-witnesses.
His veracity, therefore, is not at stake; but it is strange that a
man of his intelligence and good sense should believe such gro-
tesque and childish marvels. The Dialogues are the chief source
of the mediaeval superstitions about purgatory. King Alfred
ordered them to be translated into the Anglo-Saxon.
6. His Epistles (838 in all) to bishops, princes, missionaries,
and other persons in all ports of Christendom, give us the best
idea of his character and administration, and of the conversion
of the Anglo-Saxons. They treat of topics of theology! morals,
2 52. THE WEITINGS OF GBEGORY. 229
politics, diplomacy, monasticism, episcopal and papal adminis-
tration, and give us the best insight into his manifold duties,
cares, and sentiments.
7. The Gregorian Sacramentaiy is based upon the older Sac-
ramentaries of Gelasius and Leo L, with some changes in the
Canon of the Mass. His assertion that in the celebration of the
eucharist, the apostles used the Lord's Prayer only (solwmmodo\
has caused considerable discussion. Probably he meant no other
prayer, in addition to the words of institution, which he took
for granted.
8. A collection of antiphons for mass (Liber Antiphonarivs)*
It contains probably later additions. Several other works of
doubtful authenticity, and nine Latin hymns are also attributed
to Gregory. They are in the metre of St. Ambrose, without
the rhyme, except the "Rex Christe, factor omnium39 (which is
very highly spoken of by Luther). They are simple, devout,
churchly, elevated in thought and sentiment, yet without poetic
fire and vigor. Some of them as " Blest Creator of the Light"
(Lads Creator optime), "O merciful Creator, hear" (Audi, beate
Qynditor), "Good it is to keep the fast" (Cfarum decus jejunO),
have recently been made familiar to English readers in free
translations from the Anglo-Catholic school.1 He was a great
ritualist (hence called "Master of Ceremonies"), but with con-
siderable talent for sacred poetry and music. The "Cantus Gre*
gorianus" so called was probably a return from the artistic and
melodious antiphonal "Cantos Ambrosianus" to the more an*
cient and simple mode of chanting. He founded a school of
singers, which became a nursery of similar schools in other
churches.2
Some other writings attributed to him, as an Exposition of
the First Book of Kings, and an allegorical Exposition of the
Canticles, are of doubtful genuineness.
1 See "Hymns Ancient and Modern."
1Comp. BannLj, Greg, fa Or., pp. 188-190; Lao, p. 262; Eber^ L 51&
230 FOUKTH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
§ 53. The Papacy frwn Gregory I. to Gregory II. A.X>.
604-715.
The successors of Gregory I. to Gregory II. were, with few
exceptions, obscure men, and ruled but a short time. They were
mostly Italians, many of them Romans; a few were Syrians,
chosen by the Eastern emperors in the interest of their policy
and theology.
Sabinianus (604) was as hard and avaricious as Gregory was
benevolent and liberal, and charged the famine of his reign upon
the prodigality of his sainted predecessor. Boniface III. (606-
607) did not scruple to assume the title of " universal bishop,"
against which Gregory, in proud humility, had so indignantly
protested as a blasphemous antichristian assumption. Boniface
IV. converted the Roman Pantheon into a Christian church
dedicated to the Virgin Mary and all the Martyrs (608). Ho-
norius I. (625-638) was condemned by an oecumenical council
and by his own successors as a Monothelite heretic ; while Mar-
tin I. (649-655) is honored for the persecution he endured in
behalf of Hie orthodox doctrine of two wills in Christ. Under
Gregory II. and III., Germany was converted to Roman Chris-
tianity.
The popes followed the missionary policy of Gregory and the
instinct of Roman ambition and power. Every progress of
Christianity in the "West and the North was a progress of the
Roman Church. Augustin, Boniface, Ansgar were Roman mis-
sionaries and pioneers of the papacy. As England had been
annexed to the triple crown under Gregory I., so France, the
Netherlands, Germany and Scandinavia were annexed under his
successors. The British and Scotch-Irish independence gave
way gradually to the irresistible progress of Roman authority
and uniformity. Priests, noblemen and kings from all parts of
the West were visiting Rome as the capital of Christendom,
and paid homage to the shrine of the apostles and to the living
successor of the Galilsean fisherman.
2 54. FEOM GKEGOEY II. TO ZACHABIAS. A.D. 715-741. 231
But while the popes thus extended their spiritual dominion
over the new barbarous races, they were the political subjects of
the Eastern emperor as the master of Italy, and could not be
consecrated without his consent. They were expected to obey
the imperial edicts even in spiritual matters, and were subject
to arrest and exile. To rid themselves of this inconvenient
dependence was a necessary step in the development of the ab-
solute papacy. It was effected in the eighth century by the aid
of a rising Western power. The progress of Mohammedanism
and its encroachment on the Greek empire likewise contributed
to their independence.
§ 54. From Gregory II. to Zacharias. A. D. 715-741.
Gregory II. (715-731) marks the transition to this new state
of things. He quarreled with the iconoclastic emperor, Leo
the Isaurian, about the worship of images. Under his pontifi-
cate, Liutprand,1 the ablest and mightiest king of the Lombards,
conquered the Exarchate of Ravenna, and became master of
Italy.
But the sovereignty of a barbarian and once Arian power was
more odious and dangerous to the popes than that of distant
Constantinople. Placed between the heretical emperor and the
barbarian robber, they looked henceforth to a young and rising
power beyond the Alps for deliverance and protection. The
Franks were Catholics from the time of their conversion under
Clevis, and achieved under Charles Martel (the Hammer) a
mighty victory over the Saracens (732), which saved Christian
Europe against the invasion and tyranny of Isl&m. They had
thus become the protectors of Latin Christianity. They also
lent their aid to Boniface in the conversion of Germany.
Gregory III. (731-741) renewed the negotiations with the
Franks, begun by his predecessor. When the Lombards again
1 Or Luitprand, born about 690, died 744 There is also a Lombard histo-
rian of that name, a deaoou of the cathedral of Pavia, afterwards bishop of
Cremona, died 972.
232 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
invaded the territory of Rome, and were ravaging by fire and
sword the last remains of the property of the church, he appealed
in piteous and threatening tone to Charles Martel, who had in-
herited from his father, Pepin of Herstal, the mayoralty of
France, and was the virtual ruler of the realm. "Close not
your ears," he says, "against our supplications, lest St. Peter
close against you the gates of heaven." He sent him the keys
of the tomb of St. Peter as a symbol of allegiance, and offered
him the titles of Patrician and Consul of Rome.1 This was
virtually a declaration of independence from Constantinople.
Charles Martel returned a courteous answer, and sent presents
to Rome, but did not cross the Alps. He was abhorred by the
clergy of his own country as a sacrilegious spoiler of the pro-
perty of the church and disposer of bishoprics to his counts and
dukes in the place of rightful incumbents.2
The negotiations were interrupted by the death of Charles
Martel Oct. 21, 741, foUowed by that of Gregory HI., Nov. 27
of the same year.
§ 55. AUiance of the Papacy with the New Monarchy of ihe
Franks. Pepin and the Patoimmj of St. Peter.
A.D. 741-755.
Pope Zacharias (741-752), a Greek, by foe weight of his
priestly authority, brought Liutprand to terms of temporary
1 Gibbon actually attributes these titles to Charles Martel; while Bryce (p.
40) thinks that they were first given to Pepin. Gregory H. had already (724)
addressed Charles Martel as "Patricius" (see Migne, Opera Caroli M. II. 69).
Gregory ETL sent him in 739 ipsas sacratissimas dame* confessions beati Pefoi
gwswbisadregrwm dimisimus (& p. 66), which implies the transfer of civil
authority over Borne.
» Milman (Book IV., ch. 9) says that Dante, the faithful recorder of popular
Catholic tradition, adopts the condemnatory legend which puts Charles "in
the lowest pit of hell." But I can find no mention of him in Dante. The
Charles Martel ofParad. VIIL and EL IB a very different person, a king of
Hungary, who died 130L See Wittefc Dante, p. 667, and Carey's note on
For. Yin. 53. On the relations of Charles Martel to Bonifece, see Eettbergf
cfe, 1. 306 sqq.
I 55. ALLIANCE OF THE PAPACY WITH THE FEANKS. 233
submission. The Lombard king suddenly paused in the career
of conquest, and died after a reign of thirty years (743).
But his successor, Astolph, again threatened to incorporate
Rome with his kingdom. Zacharias sought the protection of
Pepin the Short,1 the Mayor of the Palace, son of Charles Mar-
fcel, and father of Charlemagne, and in return for this aid helped
him to the crown of France. This was the first step towards
the creation of a Western empire and a new political system of
Europe with the pope and the German emperor at the head.
Hereditary succession was not yet invested with that religious
sanctity among the Teutonic races as in later ages. In the Jew-
ish theocracy unworthy kings were deposed, and new dynasties
elevated by the interposition of God's messengers. The pope
claimed and exercised now for the first time the same power.
The Mayor, or high steward, of the royal household in France
was the prime minister of the sovereign and the chief of the
official and territorial nobility. This dignity became hereditary
in the family of Pepin of Laudon, who died in 639, and was
transmitted from him through six descents to Pepin the Short,
a gallant warrior and an experienced statesman. He was on
good terms with Boniface, the apostle of Germany and arch-
bishop of Mayence, who, according to the traditional view, acted
as negotiator between him and the pope in this political coup
Childeric IIL, the last of the hopelessly degenerate Merovin-
gian line, was the mere shadow of a monarch, and forced to
retire into a monastery. Pepin, the ruler in fact, now assumed
the name, was elected at Soissons (March, 752) by the acclama-
tion and dash of arms of the people, and anointed, like the
kings of Israel, with holy oil, by Boniface or some other bishop,
1 Or Pipin, Pippin, Pippinus. The last is the spelling in his documents.
2 Eettberg, however (I. 385 sqq.)> disconnects Boniface from all participation
in the elevation and coronation of Pepin, and represents him as being rather
opposed to it. He argues from the silence of some annalists, and from the im-
probability that the pope should have repeated the consecration if it had been
previously performed by his legate.
234 FOUETH PERIOD. A.D. 590 TO 1049.
and two years after by the pope himself, who had decided that
the lawful possessor of the royal power may also lawfully assume
the royal title. Since that time he called himself " by the grace
of God king of the Franks." The pope conferred on him the
title of "Patrician of the Romans" (Pairiems JZomanvnm),
which implies a sort of protectorate over the Eoman church,
and civil sovereignty over her territory. For the title " Patri-
cian," which was introduced by Constantine the Great, signified
the highest rank next to that of the emperor, and since the
sixth century was attached to the Byzantine Viceroy of Italy.
On the other hand, this elevation and coronation was made the
basis of papal superiority over the crowns of France and
Germany.
The pope soon reaped the benefit of his favor. When hard
pressed again by the Lombards, he called the new king to
his aid.
Stephen III., who succeeded Zacharias in March, 752, and
ruled till 757, visited Pepin in person, and implored him to
enforce the restoration of the domain of St. Peter. He anointed
Tiirn again at St. Denys, together with his two sons, and pro-
mised to secure the perpetuity of his dynasty by the fearful
power of the interdict and excommunication. Pepin accompa-
nied him back to Italy and defeated the Lombards (754).
When the Lombards renewed the war, the pope wrote letter
upon letter to Pepin, admonishing and commanding him in the
Dame of Peter and the holy Mother of God to save the city of
Borne from the detested enemies, and promising him long life
and the most glorious mansions in heaven, if he speedily obeyed.
To such a height of blasphemous assumption had the papacy
risen already as to identify itself with the kingdom of Christ
and to claim to be the dispenser of temporal prosperity and
eternal salvation.
Pepin crossed the Alps again with his army, defeated the
Lombards, and bestowed the conquered territory upon the pope
(755). He declared to the ambassadors of the East who de-
2 55. ALLIANCE OP THE PAPACY WITH THE FRANKS. 235
manded the restitution of Eavenna and its territory to the
Byzantine empire, that his sole object in the war was to show
his veneration for St. Peter. The new papal district embraced
the Exarchate and the Pentapolis, East of the Apennines, with
the cities of Ravenna, Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Cesena, Sinigaglia,
lesi, Forlimpopoli, Forli, Montefeltro, Acerra, Monte di Lucano,
Serra, San Marino, Bobbio, Urbino, Cagli, Luciolo, Gubbio,
Comachio, and Narni.1
This donation of Pepin is the foundation of " the Patrimony
of St. Peter." The pope was already in possession of tracts of
land in Italy and elsewhere granted to the church. But by this
gift of a foreign conqueror he became a temporal sovereign over
a large part of Italy, while claiming to be the successor of Peter
who had neither silver nor gold, and the vicar of Christ who
said : " My kingdom is not of this world." The temporal power
made the papacy independent in the exercise of its jurisdiction,
but at the expense of its spiritual character. It provoked a long
conflict with the secular power ; it involved it in the political
interests, intrigues and wars of Europe, and secularized the
church and the hierarchy. Dante, who shared the mediaeval
error of dating the donation of Pepin back to Constantine the
Great/ gave expression to this view in the famous lines :
"Ah, Constantine! of how much ill was mother,
Not thy conversion, hut that marriage-dower
Which the first wealthy Father took from thee."3
1 This is the enumeration of Baronius ad ann. 755. Others define the extent
differently. Comp. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geographic und Stotistik, I pp. 246 sqq.
8 Constantine bestowed upon the pope a portion of the Lateran palace for his
residence, and upon the church the right to hold real estate and to receive he-
quests of landed property from individuals. This is the slender foundation for
the fable of the Donatio Constantini.
9 Inferno xix. 115-118 :
" AM Costantin, di quanto malfu, mofre,
Non la tua conversion, ma guetta dote,
Che da te press ilprimo ricco pafrc /"
236 POUJftTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
Yet Dante places Constantine, who "from good intent pro-
duced evil fruit/' in heaven ; where
" Now he knows how all the ill deduced
From his good action is not harmful to him,
Although the world thereby may he destroyed."
And he speaks favorably of Charlemagne's intervention in be-
half of the pope :
" And when the tooth of Lombardy had bitten
The Holy Church, then underneath its wings
Did Charlemagne victorious succor her." 1
The policy of Pepin was followed by Charlemagne, the Ger-
man, and Austrian emperors, and modern French rulers who
interfered in Italian affairs, now as allies, now as enemies, until
the temporal power of the papacy was lost under its last pro-
tector, Napoleon III., who withdrew his troops from Borne to
fight against Germany, and by his defeat prepared the way for
Victor Emanuel to take possession of Borne, as the capital of
free and united Italy (1870). Since that time the pope who a
few weeks before had proclaimed to the world his own infalli-
bility in all matters of faith and morals, is confined to the Vati-
can, but with no diminution of his spiritual power as the bishop
of bishops over two hundred millions of souls.
§ 56. Charles the Great. A.D. 768-814.
SOURCES.
BEATI CAHOU MAONI Opera omnia. 2 vols. In Migne's Patrol* Lot.
Tom. 97 and 98. The first vol. contains the Codex Diplomaticus,
Capitularia, and Privilegia; the second vol., the Codex Carolinus,
the Libri Carolini (on the image controversy), the Epistolse, Car-
mina, etc.
L The Letters of CHAELES, of EnrBULED, and of ALCUDST. Also the letters
of the POPES to Charles and his two predecessors, which he had col-
lected, and which are called the Codex CfaroKnus, ed. by Muratori,
Cenni, ad Migne (Tom. 98, pp. 10 sqq.).
2. The Capitularies and Laws of Charlemagne, contained in the first vol.
of the Leges in. the Hon. Germ., ed. by PEBTZ, and in the Collections
of BAUJZIUB and MIONE.
MtorocKw XX. 57-60 ; VL 94-97. Longfellow's translation.
J 56. CEAELES THE GBEAT. A. D. 768-814 237
3. Annals. The Armales Lawrissenses Majores (probably the official chro-
nicle of the court) from 788 to 813; the Annaks Mnhardi, written
after 829; the Annales Petamani, Laureshamenses, MoseUam, and
others, more of local than general value. All in the first and second
vol. of PERTZ, Monumenta Germanica hist. Script.
4. Biographies: EESTHAED or EGRNHABD (b. 770, educated at FuldX
private secretary of Charlemagne, afterwards Benedictine monk) -
Vita Caroli Imperaioris (English translation by S. S. Turner, New
York, 1880). A true sketch of what Charles was by an admiring and
loving hand in almost classical Latin, and after the manner of
Sueton's Lives of the Eoman emperors. It marks, as Ad. Ebert says
(II. 95), the height of the classical studies of the age of Charlemagne.
Milman (IL 508) calls it "the best historic work which had appeared
in the Latin language for centuries." — POETA SAXO: Annales de
Gestis Caroli, from the end of the ninth century. An anonymous
monk of St. Gall: De Gestis Caroli, about the same time. In PEKTZ,
1. <?., and JAFFE'S Monumenta CaroUna (BibL Ber. Germ., T. IV.),
also in MIGNE, Tom. L, Op. CaroU.
Comp. on the sources ABEL'S JahrbUcher de* Frank. Rdchs (Berlin, 1866)
and WATTESHBACH'S GeschichtsgueUen im MtielaUer (Berlin, 1858;
4th ed. 1877-78, 2 vols.)
IiITEBATUBB.
X G. WALCH: Historic, Cbnonisationis Caroli M. Jen., 1750.
PUTTEK : De Instauratione Imp. Rom- Gott., 1766.
GAUtLARD : Histoire de Charlemagne. Paris, 1784, 4 vols. sec4 ed. 1819*
GIBBON : Decline and Fall of the Eoman Empire. Oh. 49.
J. EULECTDORF: Die Karolinger und die Hierarchie ihrer JZeHL Essen.,
1838, 2 vols.
HEGEWISCH : Oeschichte der Regierung Kaiser Karls des Or. Hamb,, 1791.
DEPPOLT : Leben K. Karls des Or. Tub., 1810.
G. P. B. JAMES: The ffistory of Charlemagne. London, 2nd ed. 1847.
BlHB: Gesch. der rbm. IM. im Karoling. Zeitalter. Carlsrahe, 1840*
GFBOREB: (?e»cA*cA^ (^^aro^er. Freiburg i B., 1848, 2 vols.
CAPEFIGTJB: Charlemagne. Paris, 1842, 2 vols.
WAENKONia^GEBABD: JKst des GaroKngians. Brnx. and Paris, 1862,
2 vols.
WAITZ: Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, vols. IIL and IV.
W. GlBSBBBBCBCT: OescMchte der deutschen Kaiserz&L Braunschwdg,
1863 sqq. (3rd ed.). Bd. L, pp. 106 sqq.
BOLLINGEB: Kaiserthum Karl* des Grossen, in the Munchener JERsf.
Jahrbuch for 1865.
GASTOIST: Histoire poetique de Charlemagne. Paris, 1865.
: Kurlder Or. md tern* Ze& Munster, 1868.
238 FOURTH PEEIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
ABEL : Jahrbucher des FranJdschen Edchs unter Karl d. Grossen. Berlin,
1866.
W YSS : Karl der Grosse als Gesetzgeber. Zurich, 1869.
RBTTBEBG: Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, I. 419 sqq., H. 382 sqq.
ALPHONSE VETATTLT : Charlemagne. Tours, 1877 (556 pp.). With fine
illustrations.
L- STACKE: Deutsche Geschichte. Leipzig, 1880. Bd. 1. 169 sqq. With
illustrations and maps.
Comp. also MILMAK: Latin Christianity, Book IV., ch. 12, and Book V..
ch. 1 ; AD. EBEBT : Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters im Abend-
lande (1880), vol. H. 3-108. Of French writers, GUIZOT, and MAR-
TIN, in their Histories of France ; also PARKE GODWIN, JEKstory of
Irance, chs. xvi. and xviL (vol. 1. 410 sqq.).
With the death of Pepin the Short (Sept. 24, 768), the king-
dom of France was divided between his two sons, Charles and
Carloman, the former to rule in the Northern, the latter in the
Southern provinces. After the death of his weaker brother (771)
Charles, ignoring the claims of his infant nephews, seized the
sole reign and more than doubled its extent by his conquests*
CHARACTER AND AIM OF CHARLEMAGNE.
This extraordinary man represents the early history of both
France and Germany which afterwards divided into separate
streams, and commands the admiration of both countries and
nations. His grand ambition was to unite all the Teutonic and
Latin races on the Continent under his temporal sceptre in close
union with the spiritual dominion of the pope ; in other words,
to establish a Christian theocracy, coextensive with the Latin
church (exclusive of the British Isles and Scandinavia). He
has been called the " Moses of the middle age," who conducted
the Germanic race through the desert of barbarism and gave it a
new code of political, civil and ecclesiastical laws. He stands at
the head of the new Western empire, as Constantine the Great
had introduced the Eastern empire, and he is often called the new
Constantine, but is as far superior to him as the Latin empire
was to the Greek. He was emphatically a man of Providence.
Charlemagne, or Karl der Grosse, towers high above iihe
I 56. CHAELES THE GEEAT. A.D. 768-814. 239
crowned princes of his age, and is the greatest as well as the first
of the long line of German emperors from the eighth to the
nineteenth century. He is the only prince whose greatness has
been inseparably blended with his French name.1 Since Julius
Caesar history had seen no conqueror and statesman of such com-
manding genius and success ; history after him produced only
two military heroes that may be compared with him, Frederick
II. of Prussia, and Napoleon Bonaparte (who took him and
Caesar for his models), but they were far beneath him in
religious character, and as hostile to the church as he was
friendly to it. His lofty intellect shines all the more brightly
from the general ignorance and barbarism of his age. He rose
suddenly like a meteor in dark midnight. We do not know
even the place and date of his birth, nor the history of his
youth and education.2
HIS REIGN.
His life is filled with no less than fifty-three military cam-
paigns conducted by himself or his lieutenants, against the
Saxons (18 campaigns), Lombards (5), Aquitanians, Thuringians,
Bavarians, Avars or Huns, Danes, Slaves, Saracens, and Greeks.
His incessant activity astonished his subjects and enemies. He
seemed to be omnipresent in his dominions, which extended from
the Baltic and the Elbe in the North to the Ebro in the South,
from the British Channel to Koine and even to the Straits ot
Messina, embracing France, Germany, Hungary, the greater part
of Italy and Spain. His ecclesiastical domain extended over
1 Joseph de Maistre: *' Cet hwnme est si grand gue la grandeur a pfnttre son
n
1 "It would befblly," says Ifeinhard (ch.4), "to write a word about the birth
and infancy or even the boyhood of Charles, for nothing has ever been written
on the subject, and there is no one alive who can give information about it."
His birth is usually assigned to April 2, 742, at Aix-la-Chapelle ; but the
legend makes him the child of illegitimate love, who grew up wild as a miller's
son in Bavaria. Hig name is mentioned only twice before he assumed the
reins of government, once at a court reception given by his father to pope
Stephen II., and once as a witness in the Aquitanian campaigns.
240 FOTJETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
twenty-two archbishoprics or metropolitan sees, Rome, Ravenna,
Milan, ITriuli (Aquileia), Grado, Cologne, Mayence, Salzburg,
Treves, Sens, Besan^on, Lyons, Eouen, Rheims, Axles, Vienna,
Moutiers-en-Tarantaise, Ivredun, Bordeaux, Tours, Bonrges,
Narbonne.1 He had no settled residence, bat spent much time
on the Rhine, at Ingelheim, Mayence, Nymwegen, and especially
at Aix-larChapelle on account of its baths. He encouraged
trade, opened roads, and undertook to connect the Main and the
Danube by canal. He gave his personal attention to things
great and small. He introduced a settled order and unity of
organization in his empire, at the expense of the ancient freedom.
and wild independence of the German tribes, although he con-
tinued to hold every year, in May, the general assembly of the
freemen (Maifeld). He secured Europe against future heathen
and Mohammedan invasion and devastation. He was universally
admired or feared in his age. The Greek emperors sought his
alliance; hence the Greek proverb, "Have the Franks for
your friends, but not for your neighbors." The Caliph Haroun-
al-Raschid, the mightiest ruler in the East, sent from Bagdad an
embassy to him with precious gifts. But he esteemed a good
sword more than gold. He impressed the stamp of his genius
and achievements upon the subsequent history of Germany and
]?ranee.
APPEABASTCE AND HABITS OF
Charles had a commanding, and yet winning presence. Hia
physique betrayed the greatness of his mind. He was tall,
strongly built and well proportioned. His height was seven
times the length of his foot. He had large and animated eyes, a
long nose, a cheerful countenance and an abundance of fine hair.
"His appearance/' says Eginhard, "was always stately and dig-
nified, whether he was standing or sitting; although his neck
1 According to the enrnneratTon of Egintard (du 33), who, however, gives
only21,omittiiigNarl)oime, Charles bequeathed (me^Mrdof histreafloreand
\ 56. CHAELES THE GEEAT. A.D. 768-814. 241
was thick and somewhat short, and his belly rather prominent;
but the symmetry of the rest of his body concealed these defects.
His gait was firm, his whole carriage manly, and his voice clear,
but not so strong as his size led one to expect."1
He was naturally eloquent, and spoke with great clearness and
force. He was simple in his attire, and temperate in eating and
drinking ; for, says Eginhard, " he abominated drunkenness in
anybody, much more in himself and those of his household. He
rarely gave entertainments, only on great feast days, and these to
large numbers of people." He was fond of muscular exercise,
especially of hunting and swimming, and enjoyed robust health
till the last four years of his life, when he was subject to fre-
quent fevers. During his meals he had extracts from August-
ine's " City of God" (his favorite book), and stories of olden
times, read to him. He frequently gave audience while dressing,
without sacrifice of royal dignity. He was kind to the poor,
and a liberal almsgiver.
HIS ZEAL FOB EDUCATION.
His greatest merit is his zeal for education and religion. He
was familiar with Latin from conversation rather than books, he
understood a little Greek, and in his old age he began to learn
the art of writing which his hand accustomed to the sword had
neglected. He highly esteemed his native language, caused a
German grammar to be compiled, and gave German names to the
winds and to the months.2 He collected the ancient heroic songs
of the German minstrels. He took measures to correct the Latin
Version of the Scriptures, and was interested in theological ques-
tions. He delighted in cultivated society. He gathered around
him divines, scholars, poets, historians, mostly Anglo-Saxons,
1 The magnificent portrait of Charles by Albrecht Durer is a fancy picture,
and not sustained by the oldest representations. V&ault gives several portraits,
and discusses them, p. 540.
* Wwtermmat for January, Hwnimg for February,, Lena for March, Osfcr-
monot for April, etc. See Eginhard, ch. 29.
242 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
among whom Alcuin was the chief. He founded the palace
school and other schools in the convents, and visited them in
person. The legend makes him the founder of the University
of Paris, which is of a much later date. One of his laws enjoins
general education upon all male children.
HIS PIETY.
Charles was a firm believer in Christianity and a devout and
regular worshipper in the church, "going morning and evening,
even after nightfall, besides attending mass." He was very
liberal to the clergy. He gave them tithes throughout the
empire, appointed worthy bishops and abbots, endowed churches
and built a splendid cathedral at Aix-la-Chapelle, in which he
was buried.
His respect for the clergy culminated in his veneration for the
bishop of Rome as the successor of St. Peter. " He cherished
the church of St. Peter the apostle at Rome above all other holy
and sacred places, and filled its treasury with a vast wealth of
gold, silver, and precious stones. He sent great and countless
gifts to the popes ; and throughout his whole reign the wish he
had nearest at heart was to re-establish the ancient authority of
the city of Rome under his care and by his influence, and to
defend and protect the church of St. Peter, and to beautify and
enrich it out of his own store above all other churches."1
HIS VICES.
Notwithstanding his many and great virtues, Charles was by
no means so pure as the poetry and piety of the church repre-
sented him, and far from deserving canonization. He sacrificed
thousands of human beings to his towering ambition and passion
for conquest. He converted the Saxons by force of arms ; he waged
for thirty years a war of extermination against them ; he wasted
their territory with fire and sword; he crushed out their indepen-
dence; he beheaded in cold blood four thousand five hundred
prisoners in one day at Verden on the Aller (782), and when
1 Eginliard, ch. 27.
I 56. CHARLES THE GEEAT. A.D. 768-814, 243
these proud and faithless savages finally surrendered, he removed
10,000 of their families from their homes on the banks of the
Elbe to different parts of Germany and Gaul to prevent a future
revolt. It was indeed a war of religion for the annihilation of
heathenism, but conducted on the Mohammedan principle : sub-
mission to the faith, or death. This is contrary to the spirit of
Christianity which recognizes only the moral means of persuasion
and conviction.1
The most serious defect in his private character was his incon-
tinence and disregard of the sanctity of the marriage tie. In
this respect he was little better than an Oriental despot or a
Mohammedan Caliph. He married several wives and divorced
them at his pleasure. He dismissed his first wife (unknown by
name) to marry a Lombard princess, and he repudiated her
within a year. After the death of his fifth wife he contented
himself with three or four concubines. He is said even to have
encouraged his own daughters in dissolute habits rather than
give them in marriage to princes who might become competitors
for a share in the kingdom, but he had them carefully educated.
It is not to the credit of the popes that they never rebuked him
for this vice, while with weaker and less devoted monarchs they
displayed such uncompromising zeal for the sanctity of marriage.2
HIS DEATH AND BTTBIAL.
The emperor died after a short illness, and after receiving the
holy communion, Jan. 28, 814, in the 71st year of his age, and
the 47th of his reign, and was buried on the same day in the
1 Bossuet justified all his conquests because they were an extension of Chris*
tianity. u Les conquStes prodigi&uses," he says, "fuarent la dHatation dv, rkgne de
Dieu, etUse moutra trks chretien dans toutes ses ceuvres."
* Pope Stephen IEE. protested, indeed, in the most violent language against
the second marriage of Charles with Desiderata, a daughter of the king of Lorn-
hardy, hut not on the ground of divorce from his first wife, which would have
furnished a very good reason, hut from opposition to a union with the "per-
fidious, leprous, and fetid brood of the Lombards, a brood hardly reckoned
human." Charles married the princess, to the delight of his mother, hut repu-
diated her the next year and sent her back to her father. SeeMilman,Bk.iV-f
ch. 12 (n. 439).
244 FOUBTH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle "amid the greatest lamentations of
the people/'1 Very many omens, adds Eginhard (ch. 32), had
portended his approaching end, as he had recognized himself.
Eclipses both of the sun and the moon were very frequent during
the last three years of his life, and a black spot was visible on
the sun for seven days. The bridge over the Ehine at Mayence,
which he had constructed in ten years, was consumed by fire ; the
palace at Aix-la-Chapelle frequently trembled ; the basilica was
struck by lightning, the gilded ball on the roof shattered by a
thunderbolt and hurled upon the bishop's house adjoining; and
the word Prinoeps after Karolus inscribed on an arch was
effaced a few months before his decease. " But Charles despised,
or affected to despise, all these things as having no reference
whatever to him."
THE CHARLEMAGNE OF POETJRY.
The heroic and legendary poetry of the middle ages represents
Charles as a giant of superhuman strength and beauty, of enor-
mous appetite, with eyes shining like the morning star, terrible
in war, merciful in peace, as a victorious hero, a wise lawgiver,
an unerring judge, and a Christian saint. He suffered only one
defeat, at Eoncesvalles in the narrow passes of the Pyrenees,
when, on his return from a successful invasion of Spain, his rear-
guard with the flower of the French chivalry, under the com-
mand of Roland, one of his paladins and nephews, was surprised
and routed by the Basque Mountaineers (778),2
i " Maximo totius populi luctu," says Eginhard.
* The historic foundation of this defeat is given by Eginhard, ch. 9. It was
then marvellously embellished, and Eoland became the favorite theme of min-
strels and poets, as The*roulde7s Chanson de Jfoland, Turpin's Okronique^ Bojardo's
Orlando Innamorato, Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, etc. His enchanted Horn
sounded so load that the birds fell dead at its blast, and the whole Saracen
army drew back terror-struck. When he was attacked in, the Pyrenees, he
blew the horn for the last time so hard that the veins of his neck started, and
Charlemagne heard it several miles off at St Jean Pied de Port, bat too late
to save
" The dead who, deathless all,
Were slain at famous KoncevalL"
I 56. CHARLES THE GEEAT. A. D. 768-814. 245
The name of "the Blessed Charles" is enrolled in the Eoman
Calendar for his services to the church and gifts to the pope.
Heathen Eome deified Julius Caesar, Christian Rome canonized,
or at least beatified Charlemagne. Suffrages for the repose of
his soul were continued in the church of Aix-la-Chapelle until
Paschal, aschismatical pope, at the desire of Frederic Barbarossa,
enshrined his remains in that city and published a decree for his
canonization (1166). The act was neither approved nor revoked
by a regular pope, but acquiesced in, and such tacit canonization
is considered equivalent to beatification.
Notes.
I. JTOGMENTS OBT THE PERSONAL CHARACTER OP CHARLEMAG3TE.
EGHNHARD (whose wife Emma figures in the legend as a daughter of
Charlemagne) gives the following frank account of the private and do-
mestic relations of his master and friend (ehs. 18 and 19, in Migne,
Tom. XCVII. 42 sqq.) :
" Thus did Charles defend and increase as well as beautify his king-
dom ; and here let me express my admiration of his great qualities and
his extraordinary constancy alike in good and evil fortune. I will now
proceed to give the details of his private life. After his father's death,
while sharing the kingdom with his brother, he bore his unfriendliness
and jealousy most patiently, and, to the wonder of all, could not be pro-
voked to be angry with him. Later" [after repudiating his first wife, an
obscure person] " he married a daughter of Desiderius, King of the
Lombards, at the instance of his mother" [notwithstanding the protest of
the pope] ; " but he repudiated her at the end of a year for some reason
unknown, and married Hildegard, a woman of high birth, of Swabian
origin [d. 783]. He had three sons by her, — Charles, Pepin, and Lewis
— and as many daughters, — Hruodrud, Bertha, and Gisela." [Eginhard
omits Adelaide and Hildegard.] "He had three other daughters besides
these— Theoderada, Hiltrud, and Euodhaid— two by his third wife,
Fastrada, a woman of East Frankish (that is to say of German) origin,
and the third by a concubine, whose name for the moment escapes me.
At the death of Fastrada, he married Liutgard, an Alemannic woman,
who bore him no children. After her death he had three [according to
another reading four] concubines— Gerswinda, a Saxon, by whom he had
Adaltrud ; Eegina, who was the mother of Drogo and Hugh ; and Ethe-
lind, by whom he had Theodoric. Charles's mother, Berthrada, passed
her old age with him in great honor ; he entertained the greatest venera-
tion for her ; and there was never any disagreement between them except
when he divorced the daughter of King Desiderius, whom he had married
246 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
to please her. She died soon after Hildegard, after living to see three
grandsons and as many grand-daughteis in her son's house, and he buried
her with great pomp in the Basilica of St. Denis, where his fether lay-
He had an only [surviving] sister, Gisela, who had consecrated herself to
a religious life from girlhood, and he cherished as much affection for her
as for his mother. She also died a few years before him in the nunnery
where she had passed her life. The plan which he adopted for his chil-
dren's education was, first of all, to have both boys and girls instructed in
the liberal arts, to which he also turned his own attention. As soon as
their years admitted, in accordance with the custom of the Franks, the boys
had to learn horsemanship, and to practise war and the chase, and the
girls to familiarize themselves with cloth-making, and to handle distaff
and spindle, that they might not grow indolent through idleness, and he
fostered in them every virtuous sentiment. He only lost three of all his
children before his death, two sons and one daughter. . . . When his sons
and his daughters died, he was not so calm as might have been expected
from his remarkably strong mind, for his affections were no less strong,
and moved him to tears. Again when he was told of the death of
Hadrian, the Roman Pontiff, whom he had loved most of all his friends,
he wept as much as if he had lost a brother, or a very dear son. He was
by nature most ready to contract friendships, and not only made friends
easily, but clung to them persistently, and cherished most fondly those
with whom he had formed such ties. He was so careful of the training
of his sons and daughters that he never took his meals without them
when he was at home, and never made a journey without them; his sons
would ride at his side, and his daughters follow him, while a number of
his body-guard, detailed for their protection, brought up the rear.
Strange to say, although they were very handsome women, and he loved
them very dearly, he was never willing to marry either of them to a man
of their own nation or to a foreigner, but kept them all at home until his
death, saying that he could not dispense with their society. Hence
though otherwise happy, he experienced the malignity of fortune as far as
they were concerned ; yet he concealed his knowledge of the rumors cur-
rent in regard to them, and of the suspicions entertained of their honor. "
GIBBON is no Admirer of Charlemagne, and gives an exaggerated view
of his worst vice: "Of his moral virtues chastity is not the most con-
spicuous; but the public happiness could not be materially injured by
his nine wives or concubines, the various indulgence of meaner or more
transient amours, the multitude of his bastards whom he bestowed on the
church, and the long celibacy and licentious manners of his daughters,
whom the father was suspected of loving with too fond a passion.** But
this charge of incest, as Hallam and Milman observe, seems to have ori-
ginated in a misinterpreted passage of Eginhard quoted above, and is
utterly unfounded.
g 56. CHAELES THE GBEAT. A. D. 768-814. 247
HENBY HALLAM (Middle Ages I. 26) judges a little more favorably:
"The great qualities of Charlemagne were, indeed, alloyed by the vices
of a barbarian and a conqueror. Nine wives, whom he divorced with
very little ceremony, attest the license of his private life, which his tem-
perance and frugality can hardly be said to redeem. Unsparing of blood,
though not constitutionally cruel, and wholly indifferent to the means
which his ambition prescribed, he beheaded in one day four thousand
Saxons — an act of atrocious butchery, after which his persecuting edicts,
pronouncing the pain of death against those who refused baptism, or
even who ate flesh during Lent, seem scarcely worthy of notice. This
union of barbarous ferocity with elevated views of national improvement
might suggest the parallel of Peter the Great. But the degrading habits
and brute violence of the Muscovite place him at an immense distance
from the restorer of the empire.
"A strong sympathy for intellectual excellence was the leading cha-
racteristic of Charlemagne, and this undoubtedly biassed him in the
chief political error of his conduct — that of encouraging the power and
pretensions of the hierarchy. But, perhaps, his greatest eulogy is written
in the disgraces of succeeding times and the miseries of Europe. He
stands alone, like a beacon upon a waste, or a rock in the broad ocean.
His sceptre was the bow of Ulysses, which could not be drawn by any
weaker hand. In the dark ages of European history the reign of Charle-
magne affords a solitary resting-place between two long periods of tur-
bulence and ignominy, deriving the advantages of contrast both from
that of the preceding dynasty and of a posterity for whom he had formed
an empire which they were unworthy and unequal to maintain.*'
G. P- E. JAMES (History of Charlemagne, Lond., 1847, p. 499) : "No
man, perhaps, that ever lived, combined in so high a degree those quali-
ties which rule men and direct events, with those which endear the pos-
sessor and attach his contemporaries. No man was ever more trusted and
loved by his people, more respected and feared by other kings, more
esteemed in his lifetime, or more regretted at his death.
MiLMAff (Book V.ch. 1) : "Karl, according to his German appella-
tion, was the model of a Teutonic chieftain, in his gigantic stature,
enormous strength, and indefatigable activity; temperate in diet, and
superior to the barbarous vice of drunkenness. Hunting and war were
his chief occupations ; and his wars were carried on with, all the ferocity
of encountering savage tribes. But he was likewise a Eoman Emperor,
not only in his vast and organizing policy, he had that one vice of the
old Eoman civilization which the Merovingian kings had indulged,
though not perhaps with more unbounded lawlessness. The religious
emperor, in one respect, troubled not himself with the restraints of reli-
gion. The humble or grateful church beheld meekly, and almost with-
out remonstrance, the irregularity of domestic life, which not merely
248 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
indulged in free license, but treated the sacred rite of marriage as a
covenant dissoluble at Ms pleasure. Once we have heard, and but once,
the church raise its authoritative, its eomminatory voice, and that not to
forbid the King of the Franks from wedding a second wife while his first
was alive, but from marrying a Lombard princess. One pious ecclesiastic
alone in his dominion, he a relative, ventured to protest aloud."
GUIZOT (Histoire de la civilisation en France, lecon XX.) : " Charle-
magne marque la limite a laqwlle est enfin consomme's la dissolution de
Fancien monde rornain et barbare, et ou commence la formation du monde
nouveau."
VfeTAULT (Charlemagne, 455, 458) : " Charlemagne fut, en effet, lepere
du monde moderne et de la societe' europeenne. . . . £& Ch. ne pent Hre
tegitemement honore* comme un sainty II a droit du moim a la premiere place,
parrnis tons les heros, dans ^admiration des hommes; car on ne trouverait pas
un outre souverain qui ait autant aime" Fhumanite' et lui ait fait plus de bien.
II est le plus gtorieux, parce que . . . ila merits d? Gtre prodame1 le plus
honnete des grands kommes"
GIESEBRECHT, the historian of the German emperors, gives a glowing
description of Charlemagne (1. 140) : " Many high-minded rulers arose in
the ten centuries after Charles, but none Ijad a higher aim. To be ranked
with him, satisfied the boldest conquerors, the wisest princes of peace.
French chivalry of later times glorified Charlemagne as the first cavalier;
the German burgeoisie as the fatherly friend of the people and the most
righteous judge ; the Catholic Church raised him to the number of her
saints ; the poetry of all nations derived ever new inspiration and strength
from his mighty person. Never perhaps has richer life proceeded from
the activity of a mortal man (Nie vielleiM isb reieheres Leben von der
WurksamMt eines sterblichen Menschen ausgegangeri)."
We add the eloquent testimony of an American author, PABKE GODWIN
(History of France, N. Y., 1860, vol. i. p. 410) : "There is to me some-
thing indescribably grand in the figure of many of the barbaric chiefs —
Alariks, Ataulfe, Theodoriks, and Euriks — who succeeded to the power of
the Romans, and in their wild, heroic way, endeavored to raise a fabric of
state on the ruins of the ancient empire. But none of those figures is so
imposing and majestic as that of Karl, the son of Pippin, whose name,
for the first and only time in history, the admiration of mankind has in-
dissolubly blended with the title the Great By the peculiarity of his po-
sition in respect to ancient and modern times — by the extraordinary
length of his reign, by the number and importance of the transactions in
which he was engaged, by the extent and splendor of his eonquegts, by his
signal services to the Church, and by the grandeur of his personal quali-
tiea— he impressed himself so profoundly upon the character of his times,
that he stands almost alone and apart in the annals of Europe. For
neatly a thousand years before him, or since the days of Julius Csesar, no
§ 56. CHARLES THE GBEAT. A.D. 768-814.
249
monarch, had won so universal and brilliant a renown ; and for nearly a
thousand years after him, or until the days of Charles V. of Germany, no
monarch attained any thing like an equal dominion. A link between the
old and new, he revived the Empire of the West, with a degree of glory
that it had only enjoyed in its prime; while, at the same time, the
modern history of every Continental nation was made to begin with him.
Germany claims him as one of her most illustrious sons; France, as her
noblest king ; Italy, as her chosen emperor ; and the Church u& her most
prodigal benefactor and worthy saint. All the institutions of the Middle
Ages — political, literary, scientific, and ecclesiastical — delighted to trace
their traditionary origins to his hand : he was considered the source of the
peerage, the inspirer of chivalry, the founder of universities, and the en-
dower of the churches ; and the genius of romance, kindling its fantastic
torches at the flame of his deeds, lighted up a new and marvellous world
about him, filled with wonderful adventures and heroic forms. Thus by
a double immortality, the one the deliberate award of history, and the
other the prodigal gift of fiction, he claims the study of mankind."
II. THE CANOHIZA.TIOST OF CHABJLEMAGNE is perpetuated in the
Offidum infesto Sancti Garoli Magni imperatoris et confessoris, as celebrated
in churches of Germany, France, and Spain. Baronius (AnnaL ad ann.
814) says that the canonization was not accepted by the Eoman church,
because Paschalis was no legitimate pope, but neither was it forbidden.
Alban Butler, in his Lives of jSamts, gives a eulogistic biography of the
"Blessed Charlemagne," and covers his besetting sin with the following
unhistorical assertion: "The incontinence, into which he fell in his
youth, he expiated by sincere repentance, so that several churches in Ger-
many and France honor him among the saints.''
On the poetic and legendary history of Charlemagne, see Vita Garoli Magni et
Rolandi, •written about 1100 under the name of Torpin, archbishop of Rheims ;
the work of Gaston, above quoted ; an essay of L6on Gautier (La tfgende de
Charlemagne) in Y&ault, pp. 461-485; and E. Koschwitz: Karh des Grossen
Base nach Jerusalem und Cvristmiwopd, Heilbronn u. London, 1880.
gkntfti ipff
srcanra
CABOLI GLOMOSISSniI REGIS.
The monogram of Charles with the additions of a scribe in a document
signed by Charles at Knfetein, Aug. 31, 790. Copied from Stacke, L a.
250 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D- 590-1049.
§ 57. Famdwg of {he Holy Soman Empire^ A. D. 800.
Charlemagne and Leo IH.
G. SUGENHEIM: Geschichte der JMstehung und Ausbttdu ng des Ezrehen-
staates. Leipz. 1854
F. SCHAKPFF: DUEntetehungdes ffirchenstaate. Freib. L B. 1860.
TH. D. MOCK : De Donations a Carolo Mag. sedi apostolicce anno 774
oblata. Munich 1861.
JAMES BBYCE : The Holy Jfoman Empire. Loud. & N. York (Macmil-
lan & Co.)" 6th ed 1876, 8th ed. 1880. German translation by Arthur
WincMer.
VON SYBEL : Die Schenhmgen der Karolinger an die Papste.
In Sybel's "Hist. ZeitschrifV' Miinchen & Leipz. 1880, pp. 46-85.
Comp. BAXMAN^ : L 307 sqq. ; VETATILT : Gh. HI. pp. 113 sqq. ( Charle-
magne, patrice des Romains — Formation des &ats de Ffylise).
Charlemagne inherited the protectorate of the temporal do-
minions of the pope which had been wrested from the Lombards
by* Pepin, as the Lombards had wrested them from the Eastern
emperor. When the Lombards again rebelled and the pope
(Hadrian) again appealed to the transalpine monarch for help,
Charles in the third year of his sole reign (774) came to the rescue,
crossed the Alps with an army — a formidable undertaking in
those days — subdued Italy with the exception of a small part of
the South still belonging to the Greek empire, held a triumphal
entry in Borne, and renewed and probably enlarged his father's
gift to the pope. The original documents have perished, and no
contemporary authority vouches for the details; but the fact is
undoubted. The gift rested only on the right of conquest.
Henceforward he always styled himself "Rex Urancorum et
Lonffobardorwn, et Patricks Ihmanorvm" His authority over
the immediate territory of the Lombards in Northern Italy was
as complete as that in France, but the precise nature of his
\ 57. FOUNDING OF THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIRE. A. D. 800.
authority over the pope's dominion as Patrician of the Romans
became after his death an apple of discord for centuries. Ha-
drian, to judge from his letters, considered himself as much an
absolute sovereign in his dominion as Charles in his.
In 781 at Easter Charles revisited Rome with his son Pepin,
who on that occasion was anointed by the pope " King for Italy"
(" Rex in Italiam")- On a third visit, in 787, he spent a few
days with his friend, Hadrian, in the interest of the patrimony
of St. Peter. When Leo III. followed Hadrian (796) he imme-
diately dispatched to Charles, as tokens of submission, the keys
and standards of the city, and the keys of the sepulchre of Peter.
A few years afterwards a terrible riot broke out in Rome in
which the pope was assaulted and almost killed (799). He fled
for help to Charles, then at Paderborn in Westphalia, and was
promised assistance. The next year Charles again crossed the
Alps and declared his intention to investigate the charges of cer-
tain unknown crimes against Leo, but no witness appeared to
prove them. Leo publicly read a declaration of his own inno-
cence, probably at the request of Charles, but with a protest that
this declaration should not be taken for a precedent. Soon after-
wards occurred the great event which marks an era in iihe eccle-
siastical and political history of Europe.
THB CORONATION' OF CHARLES AS EMPEROK.
While Charles was celebrating Christmas in St. Peter's, in
the year of our Lord 800, and kneeling in prayer before the
altar, the pope, as under a sudden inspiration (but no doubt in
consequence of a premeditated scheme), placed a golden crown
upon his head, and the Roman people shouted three times: " To
Charles Augustus, crowned by God, the great and pacific empe-
ror of the Romans, life and victory ! " Forthwith, after ancient
custom, he was adored by the pope, and was styled henceforth
(instead of Patrician) Emperor and Augustus.1
lAnnak9Lauri88cn8e8adann.WI: u Ipaa die sacratiswma natalis Domini CUM
FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
The new emperor presented to the pope a round table of silver
with, the picture of Constantinople, and many gifts of gold, and
remained in Eome till Easter. The moment or manner of the
coronation may have been unexpected by Charles (if we are to
believe his word), but it is hardly conceivable that it was not the
result of a previous arrangement between him and Leo. Alcuin
seems to have aided the scheme. In his view the pope occupied
the first, the emperor the second, the king the third "degree in
the scale of earthly dignities. He sent to Charles from Tours
before his coronation a splendid Bible with the inscription: Ad
splendorem imperialis potential}
On his return to France Charles compelled all his subjects to
take a new oath to h™ as u Caesar." He assumed the full title
"Seremssimus Augustus a Deo wronatus, magnus et paGificus
imperator, Bomanum gubernans imperium, qui et per misericor-
diam Dei rex Francorum et Longobardorum,."
SIGNIPICAJSTCE OP THE ACT.
The act of coronation was on the part of the pope a final
declaration of independence and self-emancipation against the
Greek emperor, as the legal ruler of Rome. Charles seems to
have felt this, and hence he proposed to unite the two empires by
marrying Irene, who had put her son to death and usurped the
Greek crown (797). But the same rebellion had been virtually
committed before by the pope in sending the keys of the city to
Pepin, and by the French king in accepting this token of tem-
poral sovereignty. Public opinion justified the act on flie prin-
ciple that might makes right. The Greek emperor, being unable
Bex ad Mt&am ante confessionem 5. Petri Apostoli ab aratione swgeret, Leo P.
coronam capiti ejus imposuti, et a cuncto Romanorum populo acdamatum est:
'Kajrolo Augwlo, a Deo coronato, magno et pacjfico Imperatori Bomanorum, vita et
victoria f M post Laudes ab Apostolico more antiquorum prwripum adoratw est,
atgue, ablato Ptsbridi nomine, Impcrator et Augustus est appettatus.'' Comp. Egin-
Hard, AnnaL ad asm. 800, and Vita Car^ c. 28.
1 But the date of the letter and the meaning of imperials are not quite certain.
See Bettberg, ttrchengesch, Deifcchlands, L 430, and Baunann, Politik far
PSpsfe, I. SIS sqq.
g 57. FOUNDING OF THE HOLY EOMAN EMPIBE. A.D. 800. 253
to maintain his power in Italy and to defend his own subjects,
first against the Lombards and then against the Franks, had
virtually forfeited his claim.
For the West the event was the re-establishment, on a Teutonic
basis, of the old Eoman empire, which henceforth, together with
the papacy, controlled the history of the middle ages. The pope
and the emperor represented the highest dignity and power in
church and state. But the pope was the greater and more endu-
ring power of the two. He continued, down to the BeformatioLtt,
the spiritual ruler of all Europe, and is to this day the ruler of
an empire much vaster than that of ancient Kome. He is, in
the striking language of Hobbes, "the ghost of the deceased
Eoman Empire, sitting crowned upon the grave thereof."
THE RELATION OF THE POPE AISfD THE EMPEROR.
What was the legal and actual relation between these two
sovereignties, and the limits of jurisdiction of each ? This was
the struggle of centuries. It involved many problems which
could only be settled in the course of events. It was easy enough
to distinguish the two in theory by confining the pope to
spiritual, and the emperor to temporal affairs. But on the
theocratic theory of the union of church and state the two will
and must come into frequent conflict.
The pope, by voluntarily conferring the imperial crown upon
Charles, might claim that the empire was his gift, and that the
right of crowning implied the right of discrowning. And this
right was exercised by popes at a later period, who wielded the
secular as well as the spiritual sword and absolved nations of
their oath of allegiance. A mosaic picture in the tridinium of
Leo III. in the Lateran (from the ninth century) represents St.
Peter in glory, bestowing upon Leo kneeling at his right hand
the priestly stole, and upon Charles kneeling at his left, the
standard of Borne.1 This is the mediaeval hierarchical theory,
1 The picture is reproduced in the works of V&ault and Stacke above quoted.
254 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
which derives all power from God through Peter as the head of
the church. Gregory YIL compared the church to the sun, the
state to the moon who derives her light from the sun. The
popes will always maintain the principle of the absolute supre-
macy of the church over the state, and support or oppose a gov-
ernment— whether it be an empire or a kingdom or a republic —
according to the degree of its subserviency to the interests of the
hierarchy. The papal Syllabus of 1864 expresses the genuine
spirit of the system in irreconcilable conflict with the spirit of
modern history and civilization. The Vatican Palace is the
richest museum of classical and mediaeval curiosities, and the
pope himself, the infallible oracle of two hundred millions of
souls, is by far the greatest curiosity in it.
On the other hand Charles, although devotedly attached to
the church and the pope, was too absolute a monarch to recog-
nize a sovereignty within his sovereignty. He derived his idea
of the theocracy from the Old Testament, and the relation
between Moses and Aaron. He understood and exercised his
imperial dignity pretty much in the same way as Constantino
the Great and Theodosius the Great had done in iihe Byzantine
empire, which was csesaro-papal in principle and practice, and so is
its successor, the Russian empire. Charles believed that he was
the divinely appointed protector of the church and the regulator of
all her external and to some extent also the internal affairs. He
called the synods of his empire without asking the pope. He
presided at the Council of Frankfort (794), which legislated
on matters of doctrine and discipline, condemned the Adoption
heresy, agreeably to the pope, and rejected the image worship
against the decision of the second oecumenical Council of Nicaea
(787) and the declared views of several popes.1 He appointed
iMHman(IL497): ft The Council of Frankfort displays most follythepowT
assumed by Charlemagne over the hierarchy as well as the nobility of the
realm, the mingled character, the all-embracing comprehensiveness of his
legislation. The assembly at Frankfort was at once a Diet or Parliament of
the realm, and an ecclesiastical Council It took cognizance alternately of
g 58. SUBVEY OF THE HISTOBY OF THE EMPIRE. 255
bishops and abbots as well as counts, and if a vacancy in the
papacy had occurred during the remainder of his life, he would
probably have filled it as well as the ordinary bishoprics. The
first act after his coronation was to summon and condemn to
death for treason those who had attempted to depose the pope.
He thus acted as judge in the case. A Council at Mayence in
813 called him in an official document " the pious ruler of the
holy church/' *
Charles regarded the royal and imperial dignity as the heredi-
tary possession of his house and people, and crowned his son,
Louis the Pious, at Aix-k-Chapelle in 813, without consulting
the pope or the Romans.2 He himself as a Teuton represented
both France and Germany. But with the political separation of
the two countries under his successors, the imperial dignity was
attached to the German crown. Hence also the designation : the
holy German Roman empire.
§ 58. Survey of the History of the Holy Roman Empire.
The readiness with which the Romans responded to the crown-
ing act of Leo proves that the re-establishment of the Western
empire was timely. The Holy Roman Empire seemed to be the
necessary counterpart of the Holy Roman Church. For many
centuries the nations of Europe had been used to the concentra-
tion of all secular power in one head. It is true, several Roman
emperors from Nero to Diocletian had persecuted Christianity by
fire and sword, but Constantine and his successors had raised the
matters purely ecclesiastical and of matters as clearly secular. Charlemagne
was present and presided in the Council of Frankfort The canons as well as
the other statutes were issued chiefly in his name.91
1 Sancfa Ecdesue tarn pium ac devotum in senritio Dei rectorem. Also, in his
own language, Devotus Ecctesfa defensor atqw adjutor in omnibu* apostottca fedu.
Kettberg L 425, 439 sqq.
3 Ann. Einhardi, ad. ann. 813 (in Migne's Patrol. Tom. 104, p. 478) : "Evo-
zatum ad se apud Aquasgrani fLium suum Ittudvoiwon Aquafanfa rcgem, eoranam
UK imposuit et imperialis nvminis sSA consortem fecit." When Stephen IV. visited
Louis in 816, he bestowed on him simply spiritual consecration. In the same
manner Louis appointed his son Lothair emperor who was afterwards crowned
by the pope in Borne (823).
256 FOURTH PERIOD. A. B. 590-1049.
church to dignity and power, and bestowed upon it all the privi-
leges of a state religion. The transfer of the seat of empire from
Rome to Constantinople withdrew from the Western church the
protection of the secular arm, and exposed Europe to the horrors
of barbarian invasion and the chaos of civil wars. The popes
were among the chief sufierers, their territory being again and
again overrun and laid waste by the savage Lombards. Hence
the instinctive desire for the protecting arm of a new empire, and
this could only be expected from the fresh and vigorous Teutonic
power which had risen beyond the Alps and Christianized by
Roman missibnaries. Into this empire "all the life of the
ancient world was gathered ; out of it all the life of the modern
world arose."1
THE ET&fPTRT! AND THE PAPACY, THE TWO ROTJETG- POWERS OF
THE MIDDLE AGES.
Henceforward the mediaeval history of Europe is chiefly a
history of the papacy and the empire* They were regarded as
the two arms of God in governing the church and the world.
This twofold government was upon the whole the best training-
school of the barbarian races for Christian civilization and free-
dom. The papacy acted as a wholesome check upon military
despotism, the empire as a check upon the abuses of priestcraft.
Both secured order and unity against the disintegrating tenden-
cies of society ; both nourished the great idea of a commonwealth
of nations, of a brotherhood of mankind, of a communion of
saints. By its connection with Rome, the empire infused new
blood into the old nationalities of the South, and transferred the
remaining treasures of classical culture and the Roman law to
the new nations of the North. The tendency of both was ulti-
mately self-destructive; they fostered, while seeming to oppose,
the spirit of ecclesiastical and national independence. The disci-
pline of authority always produces freedom as its legitimate
result. The kw is a schoolmaster to lead men to the gospel.
396 (8th ed.)
\ 58. SURVEY OP THE HISTORY OF THE EMPIEK 257
OTHO THE GBEAT.
In the opening chapter of the history of the empire we find it
under the control of a master-mind and in friendly alliance with
the papacy. Under the weak successors of Charlemagne it
dwindled down to a merely nominal existence. But it revived
again in Otho I. or the Great (936-973), of the Saxon dynasty.
He was master of the pope and defender of the Roman church,
and left everywhere the impress of an heroic character, inferior
only to that of Charles. Under Henry III. (1039-1056), when
the papacy sank lowest, the empire again proved a reforming
power. He deposed three rival popes, and elected a worthy
successor. But as the papacy rose from its degradation, it over-
awed the empire.
HENEY IV. AND GHREGOBY VH.
Under Henry IV. (1056-1106) and Gregory VII. (1073-1085)
the two powers came into the sharpest conflict concerning the right
of investiture, or the supreme control in the election of bishops
and abbots. The papacy achieved a moral triumph over the
empire at Canossa, when the mightiest prince kneeled as a peni-
tent at the feet of the proud successor of Peter (1077); but
Henry recovered his manhood and his power, set up an anti-
pope, and Gregory died in exile at Salerno, yet without yielding
an inch of his principles and pretensions. The conflict lasted
fifty years, and ended with the Concordat of Worms (Sept. 23,
1122), which was a compromise, but with a limitation of the
imperial prerogative : the pope secured the right to invest the
bishops with the ring and crozier, but the new bishop before
his consecration was to receive his temporal estates as a fief of the
crown by the touch of the emperor's sceptre.
THE HOUSE OF HOHENSTA
Under the Swabian emperors of the house of Hohenstaufen
(1138-1254) the Roman empire reached its highest power in
connection with the Crusades, in the palmy days of mediaeval
258 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
chivalry, poetry and song. They excelled in personal greatness
and renown the Saxon and the Salic emperors, but were too
much concerned with Italian affairs for the good of Germany.
Frederick Barbarossa (Redbeard), during his long reign (1152-
1190), was a worthy successor of Charlemagne and Otho the
Great. He subdued Northern Italy, quarrelled with pope
Alexander III., enthroned two rival popes (Paschal IIL, and
after his death Calixtos III.), but ultimately submitted to Alex-
ander, fell at his feet at Venice, and was embraced by the pope
with tears of joy and the kiss of peace (1177). He died at the
head of an army of crusaders, while attempting to cross the
Cydnus in Cilicia (June 10, 1190), and entered upon his long
enchanted sleep in Kyffhauser till his spirit reappeared to estab-
lish a new German empire in 1871.1
Under Innocent HI. (1198-1216) the papacy reached the
acme of its power, and maintained it till the time of Boniface
VHL (1294r-1303). Emperor Frederick II. (1215-1250), Bar-
faarossa's grandson, was equal to the best of his predecessors in
genius and energy, superior to them in culture, but more an
Italian than a German, and a skeptic on the subject of religion.
He reconquered Jerusalem in the fifth crusade, but cared little
for the church, and was put under the ban by pope Gregory IX.,
who denounced him as a heretic and blasphemer, and compared
1Eriedrich Euckert has reproduced this significant German legend in a poem
"Der alte Barbarossa>
Der Kaiser Friederich,
Im unterird'schen Schlosse
Halt er verzaubert sich.
Er ist niemaJs gestorben,
Er lebt darin noch jetzt;
Er hat im Schloes verborgen
Zom Schlaf sich. Mngesetzt
Er n?t Mnabgenommen
Des Belches Heirlichkeit,
Uiid wizd einst wiederkommen
Mitilirzu seiner Zeit," etc.
5 58. SUEVEY OF THE HISTOEY OF THE EMPIRE/ 259
him to the Apocalyptic beast from the abyss.1 The news of his
sudden death was hailed by pope Innocent IV. with the excla-
mation : " Let the heavens rejoice, and let the earth be glad."
His death was the collapse of the house of Hohenstaufen, and for
a time also of the Eoman empire. His son and successor Con-
rad IV. ruled but a few years, and his grandson Conradin, a
bright and innocent youth of sixteen, was opposed by the pope,
and beheaded at Naples in sight of his hereditary kingdom
(October 29, 1268).
Italy was at once the paradise and the grave of German
ambition.
THE GEEMAST EMPIRE.
After "-the great interregnum" when might was right,2 the
Swiss count Rudolf of Hapsburg (a castle in the Swiss canton of
Aargau) was elected emperor by the seven electors, and crowned
at Aachen (1273-1291). He restored peace and order, never
visited Italy, escaped the ruinous quarrels with the pope, built
up a German kingdom, and laid the foundation of the conserva-
tive, orthodox, tenacious, and selfish house of Austria.
The empire continued to live for more than five centuries with
varying fortunes, in nominal connection with Rome and at the
head of the secular powers in Christendom, but without control-
ling influence over the fortunes of the papacy and the course of
Europe. Occasionally it sent forth a gleam of its universal aim,
as under Henry VH., who was crowned in Rome $nd hailed by
Dante as the saviour of Italy, but died of fever (if not of poison
administered by a Dominican monk in the sacramental cup) in
Tuscany (1313) ; under Sigismund, the convener and protector
of the oecumenical Council at Constance which deposed popes
and burned Hus (1414), a much better man than either the
emperor or the contemporary popes; under Charles V. (1519-
1558), who wore the crown of Spain and Austria as well as of
1 He alone, of all the emperors, is consigned to hell by Dante (Inferno, x- 119) :
« Within here is the second Frederick."
* Schffler calls it "die Jtottflrfcwe, die xfaetmfo Zeit"
260 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
Germany, and on whose dominions the sun never set ; and under
Joseph II. (1765-1790), who renounced the intolerant policy of
his ancestors, unmindful of the pope's protest, and narrowly
escaped greatness.1 But the emperors after Rudolf, with a few
exceptions, were no more crowned in Eome, and withdrew from
Italy.2 They were chosen at Frankfort by the Seven Electors,
three spiritual, and four temporal : the archbishops of Mente,
Treves, and Cologne, the king of Bohemia, and the Electors of
the Palatinate, Saxony, and Braadenburg (afterwards enlarged to
nine). The competition, however, was confined to a few power-
ful houses, until in the 15th century the Hapsburgs grasped the
crown and held it tenaciously, with one exception, till the dis-
solution. The Hapsburg emperors always cared more for their
hereditary dominions, which they steadily increased by fortunate
marriages, than for Germany and the papacy.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE EMPIRE.
Many causes contributed to the gradual downfall of the Ger-
man empire: the successful revolt of the Swiss mountaineers,
the growth of the independent kingdoms of Spain, France, and
England, the jealousies of the electors and the minor German
princes, the discovery of a new Continent in the West, the inva-
sion of the Turks from the East, the Beformation which divided
the German people into two hostile religions, the fearful devasta-
tions of tie thirty years' war, the rise of the house of Hohenzol-
lern and the kingdom of Prussia on German soil with ihe
1 The pope Pins VL even made a journey to Vienna, but when he extended
his hand to the minister Kaunitz to kiss, the minister took it and shook it,
Joseph in tarn visited Borne, and was received bj the people with the shout:
u Ewvoa. & nosb-o imperatore f"
* Dante (Purgat. VEL 94) represents Rudolf of Hapsburg as seated gloomily
apart in purgatory, and mourning his sin of neglecting
"To heal the wounds that Italy have slain."
Weary of the endless strife of domestic tyrants and factions in every city, Dante
longed for some controlling power that should restore unity and peace to his
beloved but unfortunate Italy. He expounded Ms political ideas in his work
De MmarcMa.
2 58. SUEVEY OP THE HISTORY OF THE EMPERE. 261
brilliant genius of Frederick II., and the wars growing out of
the French Revolution. In its last stages it became a mere
shadow, and justified the satirical description (traced to VoltaireJ,
that the Holy Roman Empire was neither holy, nor Roman, nor
an empire. The last of the emperors, Francis II., in August
6th, 1806, abdicated the elective crown of Germany and substi-
tuted for it the hereditary crown of Austria as Francis I.
(d. 1835).
Thus the holy Roman empire died in peace at the venerable
age of one thousand and six years.
THE EMPIRE OP NAPOLEON.
Napoleon, hurled into sudden power by the whirlwind of
revolution on the wings of his military genius, aimed at the
double glory of a second Caesar and a second Charlemagne, and
constructed, by arbitrary force, a huge military empire on the
basis of France, with the pope as an obedient paid servant at
Paris, but it collapsed on the battle fields of Leipzig and Water-
loo, without the hope of a resurrection. " I have not succeeded
Louis Quatorze," he said, "but Charlemagne." He dismissed
his wife and married a daughter of the last German and first
Austrian emperor; he assumed the Lombard crown at Milan;
he made his ill-fated son " King of Rome" in imitation of the
German " King of the Romans." He revoked " the donations
which my predecessors, the French emperors have made," and
appropriated them to France. "Tour holiness," he wrote to
Pius VII., who had once addressed him as his "very dear Son
in Christ," "is sovereign of Rome, but I am the emperor
thereof." "You are right," he wrote to Cardinal Fesch, his
uncle, "that I am Charlemagne, and I ought to be treated as
the emperor of the papal court I shall inform the pope of my
intentions in a few words, and if he declines to acquiesce, I shall
reduce him to the same condition in which he was before Charle-
magne." l It is reported that he proposed to the pope to reside
1 In another letter to Peach (Correspond, de ? empercur NapcL I", Tom. xi
262 FOUETH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
in Paris with a large salary, and rule the conscience of Europe
under the military supremacy of the emperor, that the pope
listened first to his persuasion with the single remark: *' Come-
dian," and then to his threats with the reply: "Tragedian," and
turned him his back. The papacy utilized the empire of the
uncle and the nephew, as well as it could, and survived them.
But the first Napoleon swept away the effete institutions of
feudalism, and by his ruthless and scornful treatment of con-
quered nationalities provoked a powerful revival of these very
nationalities which overthrew and buried his own artificial em-
pire. The deepest humiliation of the German nation, and espe-
cially of Prussia, was the beginning of its uprising in the war of
liberation.
THE GEBMA3T OONFEBEEATION.
The Congress of Vienna ejected a temporary substitute for
the old empire in the German "Bund" at Frankfort. It was
no federal state, but a loose confederacy of 38 sovereign states,
or princes rather, without any popular representation ; it was a
rope of sand, a sham unity, under the leadership of Austria; and
Austria shrewdly and selfishly used the petty rivalries and
jealousies of the smaller principalities as a means to check the
progress of Prussia and to suppress all liberal movements.
THE KEW GERMAN" EMPIRE.
In the meantime the popular desire for national union,
awakened by the war of liberation and a great national litera-
ture, made steady progress, and found at last its embodiment in
a new German empire with a liberal constitution and a national
parliament. But this great result was brought about by great
events and achievements under the leadership of Prussia against
foreign aggression. The first step was the brilliant victory of
Prussia over Austria at Koniggratz, which resulted in the for-
528), he writes, "Pow le papeje suis C&ariemagne, paree que wmme Charlemagne
je r&mis la couronne de France * ceUe des Zom&orda et que mo» empire confine avec
t Orient." Quoted by Bryce.
{ 68. SUBVEY OP THE HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE. 263
mation of the North German Confederation (1866). The second
step was the still more remarkable triumph of united Germany
in a war of self-defence against the empire of Napoleon III.,
which ended in the proclamation of William I. as German
emperor by the united wishes of the German princes and peoples
in the palace of Louis XIV. at Versailles (1870).
Thus the long dream of the German nation was fulfilled
through a series of the most brilliant military and diplomatic
victories recorded in modern history, by the combined genius of
Bismarck, Moltke, and William, and the valor, discipline, and
intelligence of the German army.
Simultaneously with this German movement, Italy under tie
lead of Cavour and Victor Emmanuet, achieved her national
unity, with Borne as the political capital.
But the new German empire is not a continuation or revival
of the old. It differs from it in several essential particulars. It
is the result of popular national aspiration and of a war of self-
defence, not of conquest; it is based on the predominance of
Prussia and North Germany, not of Austria and South Ger-
many ; it is hereditary, not elective ; it is controlled by modern
ideas of liberty and progress, not by mediaeval notions and insti-
tutions ; it is essentially Protestant, and not Eoman Catholic ; it
is a German, not a Eoman empire. Its rise is indirectly con-
nected with the simultaneous downfall of the temporal power of
the pope, who is the hereditary and unchangeable enemy both of
German and Italian unity and freedom. The new empire is
independent of the church, and has officially no connection with
religion, resembling in this respect the government of the
United States ; but its Protestant animus appears not only in the
hereditary religion of the first emperor, but also in the expulsion
of the Jesuits (1872), and the "CulturkainpP against the poli-
tico-hierarchical aspirations of the ultramontane papacy. When
Pius IX., in a letter to William I. (1873), claimed a sort of
jurisdiction over all baptized Christians, the emperor courteously
informed the infallible pope that he, with all Protestants, recog-
264 FOURTH PEKIOD. A. IX 590-1049.
nized no other mediator between God and man but our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ. The new German empire will and ought
to do full justice to the Catholic church, but " will never go to
Canossa."
We pause at the close of a long and weighty chapter in
history ; we wonder what the next chapter will be.
§ 59. The Papacy and the Empire from the Death of Charle-
magne to Nicolas I. (A. D. 814-858). Note on the
Myth of the Papess Joan.
The power of Charlemagne was personal. Under his weak
successors the empire fell to pieces, and the creation of his genius
was buried in chaotic confusion; but the idea survived. His
son and successor, Louis the Pious, as the Germans and Italians
called him, or Louis the Gentle (le debonnaire) in French his-
tory (814-840), inherited the piety, and some of the valor and
legislative wisdom, but not the genius and energy, of his father.
He was a devoted and superstitious servant of the clergy. He
began with reforms, he dismissed his father's concubines and
daughters with their paramours from the court, turned the
palace into a monastery, and promoted the Scandinavian mission
of St. Ansgar. In the progress of his reign, especially after his
second marriage to the ambitious Judith, he showed deplorable
weakness and allowed his empire to decay, while he wasted his
time between monkish exercises and field-sports in the forest of
the Ardennes. He unwisely shared his rule with his three sons,
who soon rebelled against their father and engaged in fraternal
waxs.
After his death the treaty of Verdun was concluded in 843
By this treaty the empire was divided; Lothair received Italy
with the title of emperor, France fell to Charles the Bald, Ger-
many to Louis the German. Thus Charlemagne's conception of
a Western empire that should be commensurate with the Latin
church was destroyed, or at least greatly contracted, and the
2 59. THE PAPACY AND THE EMPIEE. A. D. 814-858. 265
three countries have henceforth a separate history. This was
better for the development of nationality. The imperial dignity
was afterwards united with the German crown, and continued
under this modified form till 1806.
During this civil commotion the papacy had no distinguished
representative, but upon the whole profited by it. Some of the
popes evaded the imperial sanction of their election. The
French clergy forced the gentle Louis to make at Soissons a most
humiliating confession of guilt for all the slaughter, pillage, and
sacrilege committed during the civil wars, and for bringing the
empire to the brink of ruin. Thus the hierarchy assumed con-
trol even over the civil misconduct of the sovereign and imposed
ecclesiastical penance for it.
NOTE. THE MYTH OP JOHANNA PAPISSA.
We must make a passing mention of the curious and mysterious myth
of papess Johanna, who is said during this period between Leo IV- (847)
and Benedict IIL (855) to have worn the triple crown for two years and
a half. She was a lady of Mayence (her name is variously called Agnes,
Gilberta, Johanna, Jutta), studied in disguise philosophy in Athens
(where philosophy had long before died out), taught theology in
Rome, under the name of Johannes Anglicus, and was elevated to the
papal dignity as John VIII., but died in consequence of the discovery of
her sex by a sudden confiaenTent in the open street during a solemn pro-
cession from the Vatican to the Lateran. According to another tradition
she was tied to the hoof of a horse, dragged outside of the city and stoned
to death by the people, and the inscription was put on her grave :
"Faroe pater pa&nm papi&MB edcre partum"
The strange story originated in Eome, and was first circulated by the
Dominicans and Minorites, and acquired general credit in the 13th and
14th centuries. Pope John XX. (1276) called himself John XXL In
the beginning of the 15th century the bust of this woman-pope was
placed alongside with the busts of the other popes at Sienna, and nobody
took offence at it. Even Chancellor Gerson used the story as an argu-
ment that the church could err in matter? of fact. At the Council in
Constance it was used against the popes. Torrecremata, the upholder of
papal despotism, draws from it the lesson that if the church can stand a
woman-pope, she might stand the still greater evil of a heretical pope.
Nevertheless the story is undoubtedly a mere fiction, and is so regarded
by nearly all modern historians, Protestant as well as Roman Catholic.
266 FOURTH PEKLOD. A. D. 590-1049.
It is not mentioned till four hundred years later by Stephen, a French
Dominican (who died 1261).1 It was unknown to Photius and the bitter
Greek polemics during the ninth and tenth centuries, who would not
have missed the opportunity to make use of it as an argument against the
papacy. There is no gap in the election of the popes between Leo and
Benedict, who, according to contemporary historians, was canonically
elected three days after the death of Leo IV. (which occurred July 17th,
855}, or at all events in the same month, and consecrated two months
after (Sept. 29th). See Jane, Regtsta, p. 235. The myth was probably an
allegory or satire on the monstrous government of women (Theodora and
Marozia) over several licentious popes — Sergius III., John X., XI., and
XH. — in the tenth century. So Heumann, Schrockh, Gibbon, Neander.
The only serious objection to this solution is that the myth would be
displaced from the ninth to the tenth century.
Other conjectures are these : The myth of the female pope was a satire
on John Yin. for his softness in dealing with Photius (Baronius) ; the
misunderstanding of a fact that some foreign bishop (pontifex) in Borne
was really a woman in disguise (Leibnitz) ; the papess was a widow of
Leo IV. (Kist) ; a misinterpretation of the stella stercoraria (Schmidt) ; a
satirical allegory on the origin and circulation of the false decretals of
Isidor (Henke and Gfrorer) ; an impersonation of the great whore of the
Apocalypse, and the popular expression of the belief that the mystery of
iniquity was working in the papal court (Baring-Gould).
David Blondel, first destroyed the credit of this mediaeval fiction,
in his learned French dissertation on the subject (Amsterdam, 1649).
Spanheim defended it, and Mosheim credited it much to his discredit as
an historian. See the elaborate discussion of DSLLINGER, Papst-Fabeln
des MMeMters, 2d ed. Munchen, 1863 (Engl. transl. K Y., 1872, pp. 4r-58
and pp. 430-437). Comp. also BiANCHi-Giovrzn, Esame critico degti atti
edocumenti della papessa Giovanna, Mil. 1845, and the long note of GlE-
SELEB, IL 30-32 (N. Y. ed.), which sums up the chief data in the case.
§ 60. The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals.
I. SOURCES.
The only older ed. of Pseudo-Isidor is that of JACOB MERLE? in the first
part of his Collection of General Councils, Paris, 1523, Col. , 1530, etc.,
reprinted in Migne's Patirol. Tom. CXXX., Paris, 1853.
1 The oldest testimony in the almost contemporary "Liber PontificaJis" of
Anastasins is wanting in the best manuscripts, and must be a later interpola-
tion. Dollinger shows that the myth, although it may have circulated earlier
In the mouth of the people, was not definitely pot into writing before the
middle of the thirteenth century.
g 60. THE PSEU3X)-ISIDOEIAN DECRETALS. 267
Far superior is the modern ed. of P. HESTSCHIUS : Decretales Pseudo-Isido
riancB et ChpfMa Angilramni. Lips. 1863. The only critical edn
taken from the oldest and best MSS. Comp. his Oommentatw de Col
lectione Isidori Merccdoris in this ed. pp. xi-ccxxxviii.
II. LITEBATUBE.
DAV. BLONDEL: Pseudo-Mdorus et Turrianus vapulantes. Genev. 1628.
F. KNTJST: De Fontibus et Chnsttio &eudo-l$idorian(B cottectionis. Gott.
1832.
A. MOHLEB (B. O.) : Fragmente CMS und uber Isidor, in his " Yermischte
Schriften" (ed. by Dollinger, Begensb. 1839), L 285 sqq.
H. WASSEBSCHLEBEN : JBeitragezwr Gesch. derfalschen Decret. Breslau,
1844. Comp. also his art. in Herzog.
C. Jos. HEFELE (E. 0.): Die pseudo-mdor. Wage, in the "Tubinger
Quartalschriffc," 1847.
GFB6BEB : Alter, Ursprung, Zweck der Decretalen, des falschen Isidorus.
Freib. 1848.
JUL. WEIZSACZEB : Mnkmar und Pseudo-Mdor, in Niedner' s " Zeitschrift
fur histor. TheoL," for 1858, and Die pseudo-wd. Frage, in Sybel's
"Hist. Zeitschrift," 1860.
0. VON "NbOBDEHr: Ebo, Hinkmar und Pseudo-Isidor, in Sybel's "Hist.
Zeitschriffc," 1862.
D5LMNGEB in Janus, 1869. It appeared in several editions and languages.
FEBD. WAMEB (E. C.) : Lehrbuch des KLrchenrecMs aUer christi. Cbn-
fessionen. Bonn (1822), 13th ed. 1861. The same transl. into French,
Italian, and Spanish.
J. W. BICKELL : GeschicMe des Eirchenrechts. Giessen, 1843, 1849.
G. PHILLIPS (E. C.): Evrchenrecht. Eegensburg (1845), 3rd ed. 1857
sqq. 6 vols. (till 1864). His Lehrbuch, 1859, P. II. 1862.
Jo. FB. vow SCHITLTE (E. C., since 1870 Old Oath.) : Das Katholische
ffirchenrecht. Giessen, P. L 1860. Lehrbuch, 1873. Die Geschichte
der Quellen und Ltteratur des Canonischen Reckts von Gratian bis auf
die Gegenwart. Stuttgart, 1875 sqq. 3 vols.
AEM. L. EICHTEB: Lehrbuch des forth, und evang. Evrchenreehts. Leipz.,
sixth ed. by Dove, 1867 (onPsendo-Isidor, pp. 10^-133).
HENBY C. LEA : Studies in Church History. Philad. 1869 (p. 43-102 on
the False Decretals).
FBIEDB. MAASSEST (E. 0.) : Geschiehie der Quellen und d. IMerafar dea
canonischen Rechts im Abendlande. 1st vol., Gratz, 1870.
Comp. also for the whole history the great work of F. 0. VOK SAVIGNY:
Geschichfe des JKom. Rechts im Mtetdatter. Heidelb. 2nd ed. 1834-'51,
7 vols.
Bee also the Lit. in voL n. § 67.
During the chaotic confusion under the Carolingians, in the
268 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
middle of the ninth century, a mysterious book made its appear-
ance, which gave legal expression to the popular opinion of the
papacy, raised and strengthened its power more than any other
agency, and forms to a large extent the basis of the canon law of
the church of Borne. This is a collection of ecclesiastical laws
under the false name of bishop ISIDOR of Seville (died 636),
hence called the te Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals*"1 He was the
reputed (though not the real) author of an earlier collection,
based upon that of the Roman abbot, Dionysius Exiguus,
in the sixth century, and used as the law-book of the church
in Spain, hence called the "Hispana." In these earlier
collections the letters and decrees (Epistofa Decretcdes) of the
popes from the time of Siricius (384) occupy a prominent place.2
A decretal in the canonical sense is an authoritative rescript of a
pope in reply to some question,3 while a decree is a papal ordi-
nance enacted with the advice of the Cardinals, without a pre-
vious inquiry, A canon is a law ordained by a general or pro-
vincial synod. A dogma is an ecclesiastical law relating to
doctrine. The earliest decretals had moral rather than legisla-
tive force. But as the questions anl appeals to the pope multi-
plied, the papal answers grew in authority. Fictitious docu-
ments, canons, and decretals were nothing new ; but the Pseudo-
Isidorian collection is the most colossal and effective fraud known
in the history of ecclesiastical literature.
1. The cQid&ds of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals. The
1The preface begins: "Isidorus Mercator servus Christi lectori conserve suo
€t pcurenti SMO in Domino fddi (aJL. fdei) salutem.' The byname "Mercator,"
which is found in 30 of the oldest codices, is so far unexplained. Some refer
it to Marias Mercator, a learned occidental layman residing in Constantino-
ple, who wrote against Pelagius and translated ecclesiastical records which
pseudo-Jsidorus made use of. Others regard it as a mistake for "Peccator"
(a title of humility frequently used by priests and bishops, e. g. by St. Patrick
in his "Confession"), which is found in 3 copies. "Mercatus" also occurs in
several copies, and this would be equivalent to redemptus, u Isidorus, the re-
deemed servant of Christ." See Hinschius and Bichter, I c.
2 The original name was decretcde consttiwfam or decretatis episfofa, afterwards
dtcrctalis. See Bichter, 2. c. p. 80.
§ 60. THE PSEUDO-ISIDOEIAN DECRETALS. 269
book is divided into three parts. The first part contains fifty
Apostolical Canons from the collection of Dionysius, sixty
spurious decretals of the Eoman bishops from Clement (d. 101)
to Melchiades (d. 314). The second part comprehends the
forged document of the donation of Constantine, some tracts
concerning the Council of Mcaea, and the canons of the Greek,
African, Gallic, and Spanish Councils down to 683, from the
Spanish collection. The third part, after a preface copied from
the Hispana, gives in chronological order the decretals of the
popes from Sylvester (d. 335) to Gregory II. (d. 731), among
which thirty-five are forged, including all before Damasus ; but
the genuine letters also, which are taken from the Isidorian col-
lection, contain interpolations. In many editions the Gapituila
Angttramni are appended*
All these documents make up a manual of orthodox doctrine
and clerical discipline. They give dogmatic decisions against
heresies, especially Arianism (which lingered long in Spain), and
directions on worship, the sacraments, feasts and fasts, sacred
rites and costumes, the consecration of churches, church property,
and especially on church polity. The work breathes throughout
the spirit of churchly and priestly piety and reverence.
2. The sacerdotal system. Pseudo-Isidor advocates the papal
theocracy. The clergy is a divinely instituted, consecrated, and
inviolable caste, mediating between God and the people, as in the
Jewish dispensation. The priests are the "familiares Dei'7 the
€€ spirituales" the laity the "caraafes." He who sins against
them sins against God. They are subject to no earthly tribunal,
and responsible to God alone, who appointed them judges of
men. The privileges of tihe priesthood culminate in the episco-
pal dignity, and the episcopal dignity culminates in the papacy.
The cathedra Petri is the fountain of all power. Without the
consent of the pope no bishop can be deposed, no council be
convened. He is the ultimate umpire of all controversy, and
from him there is no appeal. He is often called "ep&coptw
universdlis" notwithstanding the protest of Gregory I.
270 FOURTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
3. The aim of Pseudo-Isidor is, by such a collection of autho-
ritative decisions to protect the clergy against the secular power
and against moral degeneracy. The power of the metropolitans
is rather lowered in order to secure to the pope the definitive
sentence in the trials of bishops. But it is manifestly wrong if
older writers have put the chief aim of the work in the elevation
of the papacy. The papacy appears rather as a means for the
protection of episcopacy in its conflict with the civil government.
It is the supreme guarantee of the rights of the bishops.
4. The genuineness of Pseudo-Isidor was not doubted during
the middle ages (BGncmar only denied the legal application to
the French church), but is now universally given up by Eoman
Catholic as well as Protestant historians.
The forgery is apparent. It is inconceivable that Dionysius
Exiguus, who lived in Kome, should have been ignorant of such
a large number of papal letters. The collection moreover is full
of anachronisms : Eoman bishops of the second and third centu-
ries write in the Franfrish Latin of the ninth century on doctri-
nal topics in the spirit of the post-Nicene orthodoxy and on
mediaeval relations in church and state; they quote the Bible
after the? version of Jerome as amended under Charlemagne;
Victor addresses Theophilus of Alexandria, who lived two hun-
dred years later, on the paschal controversies of the second
century*1
The Donation of Constantine^ which is incorporated in this
collection, is an older forgery, and exists also in several Greek
texts. It affirms that Constantino, when he was baptized by
1 The forgery was first suggested by Nicolaus de Cusa, in the fifteenth century,
and Calvin (JSwfc IV. 7, 11, 20), and then proved by the Magdeburg Centuries,
and more conclusively by the Calvinistic divine David Blondel (1628) against
the attempted vindication of the Jesuit Torres (Tumanus, 1572). The brothers
Ballerini, Baronius, Bellarmin, Theiner, Walter, Mohler, Hefele, and other
Eoman Catholic scholars admit the forgery, but usually try to mitigate it and
to underrate the originality and influence of Pseudo-Isidor. Some Protestant
divines have erred in the opposite direction (as Eichter justly observes, L c.
p. 117).
2 60. THE PSEUDO-ISIBOBIAN DECEETALS. 271
pope Sylvester, A. D. 324 (he was not baptized till 337, by the
Arian bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia), presented him with the
Lateran palace and all imperial insignia, together with the
Eoman and Italian territory.1 The object of this forgery was to
antedate by five centuries the temporal power of the papacy,
which rests on the donations of Pepin and Charlemagne.2 The
only foundation in fact is the donation of the Lateran palace,
which was originally the palace of the Lateran family, then of
the emperors, and last of the popes. The wife of Constantine,
Fausta, resided in it, and on the transfer of the seat of empire to
Constantinople, he left it to Sylvester, as the chief of the Roman
clergy and nobility. Hence it contains to this day the pontifical
throne with the inscription : "Hose est pa/palis sedes et pontiff-
calis" There the pope takes possession of the see of Rome.
But the whole history of Constantine and his successors shows
conclusively that they had no idea of transferring any part of
their temporal sovereignty to the Roman pontiff.,
5. The authorship must be assigned to some ecclesiastic of the
Frankish church, probably of the diocese of Rheims, between
847 and 865 (or 857), but scholars differ as to the writer.3
1 "Dominis meis beatissimis Petro et Paulo, etper eos etiam beato Sylvesfro Patri
pvntificibus . . . concedimus pcdatium imperil nostri Lateranense . . . ddnde did-
demo, videlicet coronam capitis nostn simulque pallium, vel m&ram . . . et omnia
imperialia indumenta . . . et imperialia sceplra . . . et omnem possessionem, im-
p&rialis cufminis et gloriam potestatis nostrce. . . Unde ut pontificalia apex non
vtteswt, sedmagis amplius guam terreni imperil digntias et glories potentia, dewretwr,
ecce tam pcdatium nostrum, ut prcedictum est, quamque Eomance vobis et omnes
Italia seu occidentalium regionum provmtias, loco, et civitates beatissimo pontifei
nosfro, Sylvestro unwersati papce, concedimus atque relinquimvs" In Migne, Tom.
130, p. 249 sq.
2 That Constantine made donations to Sylvester on occasion of his pretended
baptism is related first in the Ada Sylvestrij then by Hadrian L in a letter to
Charlemagne (780). In the ninth century the spurious document appeared.
The sporiousness was perceived as early as 999 by the emperor Otho III. and
proven by Laurentius Valla about 1440 in De /also credita et ementtia Omstcun-
tini donatione. The document is universally given up as a fiction, though
Baronins defended the donation itself.
1 The following persons have been suggested as authors: Benedictus Levita
272 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
Pseudo-Isidor literally quotes passages from a Paris Council of
829, and agrees in part with the collection of Benedictus Levita,
completed in 847 ; on the other hand he is first quoted by a
French Synod at Chiersy in 857, and then by Hincmar of Kheims
repeatedly since 859. All the manuscripts are of French ori-
gin. The complaints of ecclesiastical disorders, depositions of
bishops without trial, frivolous divorces, frequent sacrilege, suit
best the period of the civil wars among the grandsons of Charle-
magne. In Rome the Decretals were first known and quoted
in 865 by pope Nicolaus I.1
From the same period and of the same spirit are several col-
lections of Cajntula or Capitularia, i. e., of royal ecclesiastical
ordinances which under the Carolingians took the place of
synodical decisions. Among these we mention the collection of
Ansegis, abbot of Fontenelles (827), of Benedictus Levita of
Mayence (847), and the Capitula Angilramni, falsely ascribed
to bishop Angilramnus of Metz (d. 701).
6. Significance of Pseudo-Isidor. It consists not so much in
the novelty of the views and claims of the mediaeval priesthood,
but in tracing them back from the ninth to the third and second
centuries, and stamping them with the authority of antiquity.
(Beacon) of Mayence, whose ChpMari'im of about 847 agrees in several pas-
sages literally with the Decretals (Blonde!, Enust, Walter) ; Kothad of Soissons
(Phillips, Gfrorer) ; Otgar, archbishop of Mayence, who took a prominent part
in the clerical rebellion against Louis the Pious (BaUerinii, Wasserschleben) ;
Ebo> archbishop of jRheims, the predecessor of Hincmar and leader in that
rebellion, or some unknown ecclesiastic in that diocese (Weizsacker, yon Nbor-
den, Hinschius, Eichter, Baxmann). The repetitions suggest a number of
authors and a gradual growth.
1 Nicolai L JSpist. ad universes episcopos CkdUae, ann. 865 (Mansi xv. p. 694
gq.): "Deeretaks epistofa Bom. Pvntificwm sunt retipiendos, etiamsi non mnt
isamowm eodici compaginate : quoniam inter ipsos canones unum b. Leonis captiu-
Iwn constat esse penmtetom, qw omma, decretalia constitute sedls apostolicce custodiri
mandantwr. — Itaque mhil interest^ vtnw smt omma decretalia, sedis a/post, constitute
inter canones concttiorum tmmiito, cum, omnia, m uno corpore compaginare non
possmt, et^eis intermit, g^j^^
— Sanctus Gdasvus (quogue) non dfatt susdpiendas decrekdes cpistolas guae inter
canones Jiab&ntur, nee tomtom qua* moderni pontifices ediderunt, sed qua* bcatissimi
Papa diversis temporibv* ab urbe Bomb dederunt?
{ 61. NieCEAS I , APBIL, 858-SOV. 13, 867. 273
Some of the leading principles had indeed been already asserted
in the letters of Leo I. and other documents of the fifth century,
yea the papal animus may be traced to Victor in the second
century and to the Judaizing opponents of St. Paul. But in
this collection the entire hierarchical and sacerdotal system,
which was the growth of several centuries, appears as something
complete and unchangeable from the very beginning. We have
a parallel phenomenon in the Apostolic Constitutions and Canons
which gather into one whole the ecclesiastical decisions of the
first three centuries, and trace them directly to the apostles or
their disciple, Clement of Borne.
Pseudo-Isidorus was no doubt a sincere believer in the
hierarchical system ; nevertheless his collection is to a large ex-
tent a conscious high church fraud, and must as such be traced to
the father of lies. It belongs to the Satanic element in the
histoiy of the Christian hierarchy, which has as little escaped
temptation and contamination as the Jewish hierarchy.
§ 61. Nicolas I., April, 858-JVbi?. 13, 867.
L The Epistles of NICOLAS L in Mansi's Owe. XV., and in Migne's
Patrol. Tom. CXIX. Comp. also JAPPE, JRegesta, pp. 237-254
HrsrcMAM (Skemensis Archiepiscopi) Oper. Omnia. In Migne's PctfroL
Tom. 125 and 126. An older ed. by J. Sinnond, Par. 1645, 2 vols. foL
Hugo LAMMER: NiJcolaus L und die Byzantinische jStaatskirche seiner
ZeU. Berlin, 1857.
A. THIEL : JDe Nicolao Papa. Comment. du& hist. canoniccB. Brnnzberg,
1859.
VAK NOORDENT : JEfincmar, Erzbischof von Eheims. Bonn, 1863.
HEBGEBTKOTHER (E. C. Prof, at Wuizbm^, now Cardinal) : Photius.
E^ensbuxg, 1867-1869, 3 yols.
Comp. BAXMANK H. 1-29; MILMAN, Book V. cL 4 (vol. IU. 24-d6) ;
HEFELE, Cmdliengesch. vol. IV., (2nd ed.), 228 sqq; and other
works quoted \ 48.
By a remarkable coincidence the publication of the Psendo-
Isidorian Decretals synchronized with the appearance of a pope
who had the ability and opportunity to carry the principles of
the Decretals into practical effect, and the good fortune to do it
274 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
in the service of justice and virtue. So long as the usurpation
of divine power was used' against oppression and vice, it com-
manded veneration and obedience, and did more good than harm.
It was only the pope who in those days could claim a superior
authority in dealing with haughty and oppressive metropolitans,
synods, kings and emperors.
Nicolas I. is the greatest pope, we may say the only great
pope between Gregory I. and Gregory VII. He stands between
them as one of three peaks of a lofty mountain, separated from
the lower peak by a plane, and from the higher peak by a deep
valley. He appeared to his younger contemporaries as a " new
Elijah," who ruled the world like a sovereign of divine appoint-
ment, terrible to the evil-doer whether prince or priest, yet mild
to the good and obedient. He was elected less by the influence
of the clergy than of the emperor Louis IL, and consecrated in
his presence ; he lived' with him on terms of friendship, and was
treated in turn with great deference to his papal dignity. He
anticipated Hildebrand in the lofty conception of his office ; and
his energy and boldness of character corresponded with it. The
pope was in his view the divinely appointed superintendent of
the whole church for the maintenance of order, discipline and
righteousness, and the punishment of wrong and vice, with the
aid of the bishops as his executive organs. He assumed an im-
perious tone towards the Carolingians. He regarded the impe-
rial crown a grant of the vicar of St. Peter for the protection of
Christians against infidels. The empire descended to Louis by
hereditary right, but was confirmed by the authority of the
apostolic see.
The pontificate of Nicolas was marked by three important
events : the controversy with Photius, the prohibition of the
divorce of King Lothair, and the humiliation of archbishop
Hincmar. In the first he failed, in the second and third he
achieved a moral triumph.
2 61. NICOLAS I, APBIL, 858-NOV. 13, 867. 275
NICOLAS AND PHOTIUS.
Ignatius, patriarch of Constantinople, of imperial descent and
of austere ascetic virtue, was unjustly deposed and banished by
the emperor Michael III. for rebuking the immorality of Caesar
Bardas, but he refused to resign. Photius, the greatest scholar
of his age, at home in almost every branch of knowledge and
letters, was elected his successor, though merely a layman, and
in six days passed through the inferior orders to the patriarchal
dignity (858). The two parties engaged in an unrelenting war-
fare, and excommunicated each other. Photius was the first to
appeal to* the Eoman pontiff. Mcolas, instead of acting as
mediator, assumed the air of judge, and sent delegates to Con-
stantinople to investigate the case on the spot. They were im-
prisoned and bribed to declare for Photius; but the pope annulled
their action at a synod in Rome, and decided in favor of Igna-
tius (863). Photius in turn pronounced sentence of condemna-
tion on the pope and, in his Encyclical Letter, gave classical
expression to the objections of the Greek church against the
Latin (867). The controversy resulted in the permanent aliena-
tion of the two churches. It was the last instance of an official
interference of a pope in the affairs of the Eastern church.
NICOLAS AND LOTHATR.
Lothair II., king of Lorraine and the second son of the
emperor Lothair, maltreated and at last divorced his wife,
Teutberga of Burgundy, and married his mistress, Walrada, who
appeared publicly in all the array and splendor of a queen.
Nicolas, being appealed to by the injured lady, defended fear-
lessly the sacredness of matrimony; he annulled the decisions of
synods, and deposed the archbishops of Cologne and Treves for
conniving at the immorality of their sovereign. He threatened
the king with immediate excommunication if he did not dismiss
the concubine and receive the lawful wife. He even refused to
yield when Teutberga, probably under compulsion, asked him to
276 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
grant a divorce. Lothair, after many equivocations, yielded at
last (865). It is unnecessary to enter into the complications and
disgusting details of this controversy.
o o »
KICOLAS AOT) HINCMAB.
In Ms controversy with Hincmar, Nicolas was a protector of
the bishops and lower clergy against the tyranny of metropoli-
tans. Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, was the most powerful
prelate of France, and a representative of the principle of Galli-
can independence. He was energetic, but ambitious and over-
bearing. He came three times in conflict with the pope on the
question of jurisdiction. The principal case is that of Eothad,
bishop of Soissons, one of his oldest suflragans, whom he de-
posed without sufficient reason and put into prison, with the aid
of Charles the Bald (862). The pope sent his legate " from the
side," Arsenius, to Charles, and demanded the restoration of the
bishop. He argued from the canons of the Council of Sardica
that the case must be decided by Kome even if Eothad had not
appealed to him. He enlisted the sympathies of the bishops by
reminding them that they might suffer similar injustice from
their metropolitan, and that their only refuge was in the com-
mon protection of the Roman see. Charles desired to cancel the
process, but Nicolas would not listen to it. He called Rothad
to Rome, reinstated him solemnly in the church of St. Maria
Maggiore, and sent him back in triumph to France (864).1
Hincmar murmured, but yielded to superior power.2
In this controversy Nicolas made use of the Pseudo-Isidorian
Decretals, a copy of which came into his hands probably through
Rothad. He thus gave them the papal sanction ; yet he must
have known that a large portion of this forged collection, though
claiming to proceed from early popes, did not exist in the papal
archives. Hincmar protested against the validity of the new
1 JaflS, 246 and 247, and Mansi, XV. 687 sqq.
1 "Sothadwm canamce . . . dgectom et a Nwobu> papa non regvfariter, «cd
potentialiter restitutum." See Baxmann, II. 26.
\ 62. HADKLO IL AND JOHN V3H. A. D. 867-882. 277
decretals and their application to [France, and the protest lin-
gered for centuries in the Galilean liberties till they were finally
buried in the papal absolutism of the Vatican Council of 1870.
§ 62. Hadrian IL and John VJIL A. D. 867 to 882.
MAJSTSI: Cbftc. Tom. XV.-XVH.
MIGNE: Patrol Lot. Tom. CXXH. 1245 sqq. (Hadrian IL); Tom.
OXXVI. 647 sqq. (John VIII.) ; also Tom. CXXIX., pp. 823 sqq.,
and 1054 sqq., which contain the writings of ATTXITJUS and Vui>
GABIUS, concerning pope Formosus.
BARONTCTS: Annal. ad ann. 867-882.
: Begesfa, pp. 254r-292.
: Lot. Christianity, Book V., chs. 5 and 6.
: Allg. Kirckengesch., Bd. III. Abth. 2, pp. 962 sqq.
T: Politik der Pdpste, II. 29-57.
For nearly two hundred years, from Nicolas to Hildebrand
(867-1049), the papal chair was filled, with very few excep-
tions, by ordinary and even unworthy occupants.
Hadrian IL (867-872) and John VIII. (872-882) defended
the papal power with the same zeal as Nicolas, but with less
ability, dignity, and success, and not so much in the interests of
morality as for self-aggrandizement. They interfered with the
political quarrels of the Carolingians, and claimed the right of
disposing royal and imperial crowns.
Hadrian was already sevenfy-five years of age, and well known
for great benevolence, when he ascended the throne (he was born
in 792). He inherited from Nicolas the controversies with
Photius, Lothair, and Hincmar of Eheims, but was repeatedly
rebuffed. He suffered also a personal humiliation on account of
a curious domestic tragedy. He had been previously married,
and his wife (Stephania) was stall living at the time of his eleva-
tion. Eleutherius, a son of bishop Ajsenius (the legate of
Nicolas), carried away the pope's daughter (an old maid of forty
years, who was engaged to another man), fled to the emperor
Louis, and, when threatened with punishment, murdered both
the pope's wife and daughter. He was condemned to death.
278 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
This aflair might have warned the popes to have nothing to
do with women ; but it was succeeded by worse scenes.
John VIII. was an energetic, shrewd, passionate, and in-
triguing prelate, meddled with all the affairs of Christendom
from Bulgaria to France and Spain, crowned two insignificant
Carolingian emperors (Charles the Bald, 875, and Charles the
Fat, 881), dealt very freely in anathemas, was much disturbed
by the invasion of the Saracens, and is said to have been killed
by a relative who coveted the papal crown and treasure. The
best thing he did was the declaration, in the Bulgarian quarrel
with the patriarch of Constantinople, that the Holy Spirit had
created other languages for worship besides Hebrew, Greek, and
Latin, although he qualified it afterwards by saying that Greek
and Latin were the only proper organs for the celebration of the
mass, while barbarian tongues such as the Slavonic, may be good
enough for preaching.
His violent end was the beginning of a long interregnum of
violence. The close of the ninth century gave a foretaste of the
greater troubles of the tenth. After the downfall of the Carolin-
gian dynasty the popes were more and more involved in the poli-
tical quarrels and distractions of the Italian princes. The dukes
Berengar of Friuli (888-924), and Guido of Spoleto (889-894),
two remote descendants of Charlemagne through a female branch,
<*>ntended for the kingdom of Italy and the imperial crown, and
filled alternately the papal chair according to their success in tihe
conflict. The Italians liked to have two masters, that they
might play off one against the other. Guido was crowned em-
peror by Stephen VI. (V.) in February, 891, and was followed
by his son, Lambert, in 894, who was also crowned. Formosus,
bishop of Portus, whom John VIII. had pursued with bitter
animosity, was after varying fortunes raised to the papal chair,
and gave the imperial crown first to Lambert, but afterwards to
the victorious Arnulf of Carinthia, in 896. He roused the
revenge of Lambert, and died of violence. His second successor
and bitter enemy, Stephen VTL (VI.), a creature of the party of
{ 63. DEGRADATION OF THE PAPACY IN TENTH CENTUBY. 279
Lambert, caused his corpse to be exhumed, clad in pontifical
robes, arraigned in a mock trial, condemned and deposed,
stripped of the ornaments, fearfully mutilated, decapitated, and
thrown into the Tiber. But the party of Berengar again ob-
tained the ascendency; Stephen VII. was thrown into prison
and strangled (897). This was regarded as a just punishment
for his .conduct towards Formosus. John IX. restored the
character of Formosus. He died in 900, and was followed by
Benedict IV., of the Lambertine or Spoletan party, and reigned
for the now unusual term of three years and a half.1
§ 63. The Degradation of the Papacy in the Tenth Century.
SOURCES.
MIGNE'S Patrol. Ldt~ Tom. 131-142. These vols. contain the document*
and works from Pope John IX. — Gregory VI.
LiUJ>PBAijn>us (Episcopus Cremonensis, d. 972) : Anfapodoseos, seu Rerum
per Ewropam gestarum libri VI. From A. D. 887-950. Eeprinted in
Pertz: Monum. Germ. III. 269-272; and in Migne: Patrol Tom.
CXXXVI. 769 sqq. By the same : Eistoria Ottonis, sive de rebus
gestis Ottonis Magni. From A. D. 960-964. In Pertz: Monum. III.
340-346 ; in Migne CXXXVL 897 sqq. Comp. KCEPKE : De Liud-
prandi mfa et scriptis, Beroi, 1842; WATTENBACH : Deutsehlands
Gesehichtsquelkn, and GiESEBRECHT, L c. I. p. 779. Liudprand or
Liutprand (Liuzo or Liuso), one of the chief authorities on the
history of the 10th century, was a Lombard hy birth, well educated,
travelled in the East and in Germany, accompanied Otho I. to Eome,
962, was appointed by him bishop of Cremona, served as his inter-
preter at the Eoman Council of 964, and was again in Eome 965. He
was also sent on an embassy to Constantinople. He describes the
wretched condition of the papacy as an eye-witness. His Anto-
podosis or Itefribution (written between 958 and 962) is specially
directed against king Berengar and queen Willa, whom he hated.
TTia work on OUio treats of the contemporary events in which he waa
one of the actors. He was fond of scandal, but is considered reliable
in most of his facts.
FLODOABDTTS (Canonicus Eemensis, d. 966) : Historia, jRemerws; An*
nales; Opwcida me&rwa, in Migne, Tom. CXXXV.
1 According to Auzentius and Yulgarius, pope Stephen YH. was the author
of the outrage on the corpse of Formosus; Liutprand traces it to Sergius III
In 898, when he was anti-pope of John IX. Baronius conjectures that Liut-
prand wrote Sergius for Stephanos. Hefele assents, Gmcdwngesck. IV. 561 sqq.
280 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
ATTO (Episcopus Vereellensis, d.960) :
and other books, in Mignc, Tom. CXXXV.
JAFFE : Regesfa, pp. 307-325.
Other sources relating more to the political history of the tenth century
are indicated by Giesebrecht, I. 817, 820, 836.
LITERATURE.
BARONIUS : Annales ad ann. 900-963.
V. E. LOSCHER: Historic des rbm. Hurenregimente. Leipzig, 1707. (2nd
ed. with another title, 1725.)
CO3TSTANTIN HoFLER (K. C.) : Die deutscken Pdpste. Eegensburg, 1839,
2 vols.
E* DUMMLER : Auxilius und Vulgarius. Quetten undForschungenzur Ge-
schiehte des Papstthums im Anfang des zehnten Jahrhuriderte. Leipz.
1866. The writings of Auxilius and Vulgarius are in Migne's Patrol.,
Tom. CXXIX.
C. Jos. VON HEFELE (Bishop of Rottenburg) : Die Pdpste und Kaiser in
den trubsten Zeiten der Kirche, in his "Beitrage zur Kirchengesch,"
etc., vol. I. 227-278. Also his Conciliengeschichte, IV. 571-660
(2d ed.).
MILMAN: IM. Chr. Bk. 5, chs. 11-14. GIESEBRECHT: Gesch. der
deutechen Kaiserzeit., I. 343 sqq. GFRORER: III. 3, 1133-1275.
BAXMAKCT : II. 58-125. GREGOROVIUS, Vol. III. VOK EEUMONT,
Vol. II.
The tenth century is the darkest of the dark ages, a century
of ignorance and superstition, anarchy and crime in church and
state. The first half of the eleventh century was little better.
The dissolution of the world seemed to be nigh at hand. Serious
men looked forward to the terrible day of judgment at the close
of the first millennium of the Christian era, neglected their
secular business, and inscribed donations of estates and other
gifts to the church with the significant phrase " appropinquante
muTidi termino"
The demoralization began in the state, reached the church, and
culminated in the papacy. The reorganization of society took
the same course. No church or sect in Christendom ever sank
so low as the Latin church in the tenth century. The papacy,
like the old Roman god Janus, has two faces, one Christian, one
'antichristian, one friendly and benevolent, one fiendish and
malignant. In this period, it shows almost exclusively the
\ 63. DEGRADATION OF THE PAPACY IN TENTH CENTDEY. 281
antickristian face. It is an unpleasant task for the historian
to expose these shocking corruptions ; but it is necessary for the
understanding of the reformation that followed. The truth must
be told, with its wholesome lessons of humiliation and encour-
agement. No system of doctrine or government can save the
church from decline and decay. Human nature is capable of
satanic wickedness. Antichrist steals into the very temple of
God, and often wears the priestly robes. But God is never
absent from history, and His overruling wisdom always at last
brings good out of evil. Even in this midnight darkness the stars
were shining in the firmament; and even then, as in the days of
Elijah the prophet, there were thousands who had not bowed
their knees to Baal. Some convents resisted the tide of corrup-
tion, and were quiet retreats for nobles and kings disgusted with
the vanities of the world, and anxious to prepare themselves for
the day of account. Nilus, Eomuald, and the monks of Cluny
raised their mighty voice against wickedness in high places.
Synods likewise deplored the immorality of the clergy and laity,
and made efforts to restore discipline. The chaotic confusion of
the tenth century, like the migration of nations in the fifth,
proved to be only the throe and anguish of a new birth. It
was followed first by the restoration of the empire under Otho
the Great, and then by the reform of the papacy under Hilde-
brand.
THE POUTICAL DISORDER.
In the semi-barbarous state of society during the middle ages,
a strong central power was needed in church and state to keep
O IT •••
order. Charlemagne was in advance of his times, and his
structure rested on no solid foundation. His successors had
neither his talents nor his energy, and sank almost as low as the
Merovingians in incapacity and debauchery. The popular con-
tempt in which they were held was expressed in such epithets aa
"the Bald/' "ihe Fat/' "the Stammerer/' "the Simple," "the
"the Child." Under their misrule the foundations of
282 FOURTH PEBIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
law and discipline gave way. Europe was threatened with a
new flood of heathen barbarism. The Norman pirates from
Denmark and Norway infested the coasts of Germany and
France, burned cities and villages, carried off captives, followed
in their light boats which they could carry on their shoulders,
the course of the great rivers into the interior; they sacked
Hamburg, Cologne, Treves, Eouen, and stabled their horses in
Charlemagne's cathedral at Aix; they invaded England, and
were the terror of all Europe until they accepted Christianity,
settled down in Normandy, and infused fresh blood into the
French and English people. In the South, the Saracens, cross-
ing from Africa, took possession of Sicily and Southern Italy ;
they are described by pope John VIII. as Hagarenes, as
children of fornication and wrath, as an army of locusts, turning
the land into a wilderness. From the East, the pagan Hunga-
rians or Magyars invaded Germany and Italy like hordes of
wild beasts, but they were defeated at last by Henry the Fowler
and Otho the Great, and after their conversion to Christianity
under their saintly monarch Stepheu (997-1068), they became a
wall of defence against the progress of the Turks.
Within the limits of nominal Christendom, the kings and
nobles quarreled among themselves, oppressed the people, and
distributed bishoprics and abbeys among their favorites, or
pocketed the income. The metropolitans oppressed the bishops.,
the bishops the priests, and the priests the laity. Bands of
robbers roamed over the country and defied punishment. Might
was right Charles the Fat was deposed by his vassals, and died
in misery, begging his bread (888). His successor, Arnulf of
Carinthia, the last of the Carolingian line of emperors (though
of illegitimate birth), wielded a victorious sword over the Nor-
mans (891) and the new kingdom of Moravia (894), but fell
into trouble, died of Italian poison, and left the crown of Ger-
many to his only legitimate son, Louis the Child (899-911), who
was ruled by Hatto, archbishop of Mayence* This prelate
figures in the popular legend of the "Mouse-Tower" (on an
g 63. DEGBADATION OF THE PAPACY IN TENTH CENTURY. 283
island in the Rhine, opposite Bingen), where a swarm of mice
picked his bones and "gnawed the flesh from every limb,"
because he had shut up and starved to death a number of
hungry beggars. But documentary history shows him in a
more favorable light. Louis died before attaining to manhood,
and with him the German line of the Carolingians (911). The
last shadow of an emperor in Italy, Berengar, who had been
crowned in St. Peter's, died by the dagger of an assassin (924J.
The empire remained vacant for nearly forty years, until Otho,
a descendant of the Saxon duke Widukind, whom Charlemagne
had conquered, raised it to a new life.
In France, the Carolingian dynasty lingered nearly a century
longer, till it found an inglorious end in a fifth Louis called the
Lazy ("le Faineant"), and Count Hugh Capet became the
founder of the Capetian dynasty, based on the principle of
hereditary succession (987). He and his son Eobert received
the crown of France not from the pope, but from the archbishop
of Rheims.
Italy was invaded by Hungarians and Saracens, and distracted
by war between rival kings and petty princes struggling for
aggrandizement. The bishops and nobles were alike corrupt,
and the whole country was a moral wilderness.1
THE DEMORALIZATION OF THE PAPACY.
The political disorder of Europe affected the church and para-
lyzed its efforts for good. The papacy itself lost all independ-
ence and dignity, and became the prey of avarice, violence, and
intrigue, a veritable synagogue of Satan. It was dragged through
the quagmire of the darkest crimes, and would have perished
in utter disgrace had not Providence saved it for better times.
Pope followed pope in rapid succession, and most of them ended
their career in deposition, prison, and murder. The rich and
1 Hotter (1. 16) asserts that every princely family of Italy in the tenth cen-
tury was tainted with incestuous blood, and that it was difficult to distinguish
wives and sisters, mothers and daughters. See his genealogical tables appended
to the first volume.
284 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D- 590 TO 1049.
powerful marquises of Tuscany and the Counts of Tusculum
acquired control over the city of Home and the papacy for
more than half a century. And what is worse (ineredibile, at-
iamm verum), three bold and energetic women of the highest
rank and lowest character, Theodora the elder (the wife or wido\v
of a Roman senator), and her two daughters, Marozia and Theo-
dora, filled the chair of St. Peter with their paramours and bas-
tards. These Roman Amazons combined with the fatal charms
of personal beauty and wealth, a rare capacity for intrigue, and
a burning lust for power and pleasure. They had the diabolical
ambition to surpass their sex as much in boldness and badness as
St. Paula and St. Eustachium in the days of Jerome had excelled
in virtue and saintliness. They turned the church of St. Peter
into a den of robbers, and the residence of his successors into a
harem. And they gloried in their shame. Hence this infamous
period is called the papal Pornocracy or Hetserocracy.1
1 Llutprandi Antapodosis, IL 48 (Pertz, V. 297; Migne, CXXXVL 827) :
"Theodora, scartum impudens . . . (quod dtctu ettamfosdissimum est), Romance civi-
tatis non invirillter monarchiam obtinebat. Qua duos habuti nafas, Marotiam atque
Theodvram, sibi non solum cocequdes, verum etiam Veneris exercitio promptiores.
Ifaarim Mcarotia ex Papa Sergio^Joannem, qui post Joannis Jfavcnnatis obttum
BcrmasMR Ec&lesios obtinuti dignitatem, nefaria genuti adulterio" etc. In the same
ch. he calls the elder Theodora "merefriv satis impudentissima, Veneris adore
swxensaS*
This Theodora was the wife of Theophylaetus, Boman Consul and Senator,
probably of Byzantine origin, who appears in 901 among the Koman judges of
Louis HI. She called herself " Senatrix." She was the mistress of Adalbert
of Tuscany, called the Kich (d. 926), and of pope John X. (d. 928). And
yet she is addressed by Eugenius Vulgarius as " sanctissima, et venerabttis matrona P
(See Dummler, I c. p. 146, and Hefele, IV. 575.) Her daughter Marozia (or
Maractia, the diminutive of Maria, Mcuriechen) was the boldest and most sac*
cessful of the three. She was the mistress of pope Sergius HI. and of Alberic I.,
Count of Tosculi jn (d. 926), and married several times. Comp. Liutprand,
lH. 43 and 44. She perpetuated her rule through her son, Alberic II., and
her grandson, pope John XIL With all their talents and influence, these
strong-minded women were very ignorant; the daughters of the younger Theo-
dora could neither read nor write, and signed their name in 945 with a +.
(Gregorovius, JIL 282 sq.) The Tuscolan popes and the Grescentii, who con-
troned and disgraced the papacy in the eleventh century, were descendants of
the same stock.
The main ftcts of this shameful reign rest on good contemporary Catholic
g 63. DEGEADATION OF THE PAPACY IN TENTH CENTUBY. 285
Some popes of this period were almost as bad as the worst
emperors of heathen Rome, and far less excusable.
Sergius HI., the lover of Marozia (904-911), opened the
shameful succession. Under the protection of a force of Tuscan
soldiers he appeared in Rome, deposed Christopher who had just
deposed Leo V., took possession of the papal throne, and soiled
it with eveiy vice; but he deserves credit for restoring the
venerable church of the Lateran, which had been destroyed by
an earthquake in 896 and robbed of invaluable treasures.1
After the short reign of two other popes, John X., archbishop
of Ravenna, was elected, contrary to all canons, in obedience to
the will of Theodora, for the more convenient gratification of
her passion (914-928).2 He was a m^n of military ability
and daring, placed himself at the head of an army — the first
warrior among the popes — and defeated the Saracens. He
announced the victory in the tone of a general. He then en-
authorities (as Liutprand, Fiodoard, Batherius of Verona, Benedict of Soracte,
Gerbert, the transactions of the Councils in Borne, Bheims, etc.), and are frankly
admitted with devout indignation by Baronius and other Boman Catholic
historians, but turned by them into an argument for the divine origin of the
papacy, whose restoration to power appears all the more wonderful from the
depth of its degradation. Mohler (Ifodungesch. ed. by Gams, IL 183) calls
Sergius DDL, John X., John XI., and John XII. "horrible popes," and says
that "crimes alone secured the papal dignity." Others acquit the papacy of
guilt, since it was not independent. The best lesson which Eomanists might
derive from this period of prostitution is humility and charity. It is a terrible
1 Baronius, following Liutprand, calls Sergius "Jumo vitiorwn omnium servus*"
But Fiodoard and the inscriptions give him a somewhat better character.
See Hefele IV. 576, Gregorovius HI. 269, and von Beumont IL 273.
* Gfrorer makes him the paramour of the younger Theodora, which on
chronological grounds is more probable; but Hefele, Gregorovjus, von Beu-
mont, and Greenwood link him with the elder Theodora. This seems to be
the meaning of Liutprand (II. 47 and 48), who says that she fell in love with
John for his great beauty, and actually forced him to sin (secwmque Avne «cor-
tarinon solum wluit, verum etiam atque efom compuKt). She could not stand
the separation from her lover, and called him to Borne. Baronius treats John
X. as bpseudopapcL Muratori, Dnret, and Hefele dissent from Liutprand and
give John a somewhat better character, without^ however, denying bis relation
to Theodora. See Hefele, IV. 579 sq.
286 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1019.
eag-ed in a fierce contest for power with Marozia and her lover
O iD •*•
or husband, the Marquis Alberic I. Unwilling to yield any of
her secular power over Bome, Marozia seized the Castle of St.
Angelo, had John cast into prison and smothered to death, and
raised three of her creatures, Leo VI., Stephen VII. (VIII.),
and at last John XL, her own (bastard) son of only twenty-one
years, successively to the papal chair (928-936).1
After the murder of Alberic I. (about 926), Marozia, who
called herself Senatrix and Patricia, offered her hand and as
much of her love as she could spare from her numerous para-
mours, to Guido, Markgrave of Tuscany, who eagerly accepted
the prize; and after his death she married king Hugo of Italy,
the step-brother of her late husband (932); he hoped to gain
the imperial crown, but he was soon expelled from Borne by a
rebellion excited by her own son Alberic II., who took offence at
his overbearing conduct for slapping him in the face.2 She now
disappears from the stage, and probably died in a convent. Her
son, the second Alberic, was raised by the Eomans to the dig-
nity of Consul, and ruled Borne and the papacy from the Castle
of St. Angelo for twenty-two years with great ability as a despot
under the -forms of a republic (932-954). After the death of
his brother, John XI. (936), he appointed four insignificant
pontifls, and restricted them to the performance of their religious
duties.
1 Liutprand, Antapodosts HT. 43 (Mlgne, I c^ 852) : "Papam [John X.]
todmmamdpar^n^inquanonmulto post est defunctus; aiuntcmm quod cervical
wper 08 eius imponerentj siapie ew^ Quo mortuo ipsius Maro-
fMBjH&0tt Jb&onnemiumune [John XL] quean ex Sergio papa meretrix genucrat,
papam const/town*." The parentage of John XI. from pope Seigius is adopted
by Gtt^rovlus, Duxnmler, Greenwood, and Baxmann, but disputed by Mura-
ton, Hefele, and Gfrorer, who nMtinfrMn that John XI. was the son of Marozia's
husband, Alberic L, if they ever were married. For, according to Benedict of
Soracte, Marozia accepted him "
Albericus Marchio was an adventurer before he became Markgrave, about 897,
and must not be confounded with Albertus Maxchio or Adalbert the Bich of
Tuscany. See Gregorovins, EX 275; von Beumont, II. 228, 231, and the
genealogical tables in Hofler, Vol. L, Append. V. and VL
2 See the account in Liutprand HL 44.
I 63. DEGRADATION OF THE PAPACY IN TENTH CENTURY. 287
JOHN XII.
On the death of Alberic in 954, his son Octavian, the grand-
son of Marozia, inherited the secular government of Rome, and
was elected pope when only eighteen years of age. He thus
united a double supremacy. He retained his name Octavian as
civil ruler, but assumed, as pope, the name John XIL, either by
compulsion of the clergy and people, or because he wished to secure
more license by keeping the two dignities distinct. This is the
first example of such a change of name, and it was followed by
his successors. He completely sunk his spiritual in his secular
character, appeared in military dress, and neglected the duties of
the papal office, though he surrendered none of its claims*
John XIL disgraced the tiara for eight years (955-963). He
was one of the most immoral and wicked popes, ranking with
Benedict IX., John XXHL, and Alexander VL He was
charged by a Roman Synod, no one contradicting, with almost
every crime of which depraved human nature is capable, and
deposed as a monster of iniquity.1
1 Among the charges of the Synod against him were that he appeared con-
stantly armed with sword, lance, helmet, and breastplate, that he neglected
matins and vespers, that he never signed himself with the sign of the cross, that
he was fond of hunting, that he had made a boy of ten years a bishop, and or-
dained a bishop or deacon in a stable, that he had mutilated a priest, that he had
set houses on fire, like Nero, that he had committed homicide and adultery, had
violated virgins and widows high and low, lived with his father's mistress, con-
verted the pontifical palace into a brothel, drank to the health of the devil, and
invoked at the gambling-table the help of Jupiter and Venus and other heathen
demons! The emperor Otho would not believe these enormities until they
were proven, but the bishops replied, that they were matters of public notoriety
requiring no proof. Before the Synod convened John XII. had made his
escape from Borne, carrying with him the portable part of the treasury of St
Peter. But after the departure of the emperor he was readmitted to the city,
restored for a short time, and killed in an act of adultery (a dim se cum vari
cujusdam uxore oblectaret") by the enraged husband of his paramour, or by the
devil ("a diabob est jwrctaw"). Liutprand, De rebus g&ti* Ottoms (in Migne,
Tom. XXXVI- 898-910). Hefele (IV. 619) thinks that he died of apoplexy.
288 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
§ 64 The Irderferenee of (Mo the Great.
Comp., besides tlie works quoted in \ 63, FLOSS : Die Papstwahl unter den
Qttonen. Freiburg, 1858, and KOPKE and DUMMLEB; Otto der
Gro&e. Leipzig, 1876.
From this state of infamy the papacy was rescued for a brief
time by the interference of Otho L, justly called the Great (936-
973). He had subdued the Danes, the Slavonians, and the
Hungarians, converted the barbarians on the frontier, estab-
lished order and restored the Carolingian empire. He was
called by the pope himself and several Italian princes for pro-
tection against the oppression of king Berengar H. (or the
Younger, who was crowned in 950, and died in exile, 966).
He crossed the Alps, and was anointed Roman emperor by John
XII. in 962. He promised to return to the holy see all the
lost territories granted by Pepin and Charlemagne, and received
in turn from the pope and the Romans the oath of allegiance
on the sepulchre of St. Peter.
Hereafter the imperial crown of Borne was always held by the
Ctearman nation, but the legal assumption of tibe titles of Emperor
and Augustus depended on the act of coronation by the pope.
After the departure of Otho the perfidious pope, unwilling to
obey aOTperior master, rebelled and entered into conspiracy with
his enemies. The emperor returned to Borne, convened a Synod
of Italian and German bishops, which indignantly deposed John
XII. in his absence, on the ground of most notorious crimes, yet
without a regular trial (963).1
The emperor and the Synod elected a respectable layman, the
chief secretary of the Roman see, in his place. He was hur-
riedly promoted through the orders of reader, suodeacon, deacon,
*A iyiaceouit of fftis Synod seem Ottonw, and in
Baronius, AnnaL ad amn 963. Comp. also Greenwood, Bk Yin. ch. 12, Gfrorer,
vol. III., P. Si., 1249 eqq., Giesehrecht, L 465 and 828, and Hefele, IY. 612
sqq. Gfrorer, without defending John XIL, charges Otho with having first
violated the engagement (p. 1253). The pope was three times summoned be*
fore the Synod, bnt the answer came from Tivoli that he had gone hunting.
Baxonins, Floss, and Hefele regard this synod as uncanonicaL
5 64. THE INTERFERENCE OF OTHO THE GREAT. 289
priest and bishop, and consecrated as Leo YHL, but not recog-
nized by the strictly hierarchical party, because he surrendered
the freedom of the papacy to the empire. The Romans swore
that they would never elect a pope again without the emperor's
consent. Leo confirmed this in a formal document.1
The anti-imperial party readmitted John XIL, who took
cruel revenge of his enemies, but was suddenly struck down in
his sins by a violent death. Then they elected an anti-pope,
Benedict V., bat he himself begged pardon for his usurpation
when the emperor reappeared, was divested of the papal robes,
degraded to the order of deacon, and banished to Germany.
Leo VIII. died in April, 965, after a short pontificate of six-
teen months.
The bishop of Narni was unanimously elected his successor
as John XIII. (965-972) by the Roman clergy and people,
after first consulting the will of the emperor. He crowned Otho
II. emperor of the Romans (973-983). He was expelled by the
Romans, but reinstated by Otho, who punished the rebellious
city with terrible severity.
Thus the papacy was morally saved, but at the expense of its
independence; or rather it had exchanged its domestic bondage
for a foreign bondage. Otho restored to it its former dominions
which it had lost during the Italian disturbances, but he re-
garded the pope and the Romans as his subjects, who owed him
the same temporal allegiance as the Germans and Lombards.
It would have been far better for Germany and Italy if they
had never meddled with each other. The Italians, especially the
Romans, feared the German army, but hated the Germans as
Northern semi-barbarians, and shook off their yoke as soon as
they had a chance.5 The Germans suspected the Italians for
1 Baronius, ad ann. 964, pronounced the document spurious, chiefly because
it is very inconvenient to his ultramontane doctrine. It is printed in Mon*
Germ, iv. 2 (Leges, IL 167), and in a more extensive form from a MS. at Treves
in Leonis VHI. primlegium de investitwris, by H. J. Floss, Freib., 1858. This
publication has changed the state of the controversy in favor of a genuine ele-
ment in the document. See the discussion in Hefele, IV. 622 sqq.
1 This antipathy found its last expression and termination in the expulsion of
290 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
dishonesty and trickery, were always in danger of fever and
poison, and lost armies and millions of treasure without any re-
turn of profit or even military glory.1 The two nations were
always jealous of each other, and have only recently become
friends, on the basis of mutual independence and non-inter-
ference.
PROTEST AGAINST PAPAL CORRUPTION.
The shocking immoralities of the popes called forth strong
protests, though they did not shake the faith in the institution
itself. A Gallican Synod deposed archbishop Arnulf of Bheims
as a traitor to king Hugo Capet, without waiting for an answer
from the pope, and without caring for the Pseudo-Isidorian
Decretals (991). The leading spirit of the Synod, Arnulf,
bishop of Orleans, made the following bold declaration against
the prostitution of the papal office : "Looking at the actual state
of the papacy, what do we behold ? John [XII.] called Octa-
vian, wallowing in the sty of filthy concupiscence, conspiring
against the sovereign whom he had himself recently crowned ;
then Leo £VHL] the neophyte, chased from the city by this
Octavian; and that monster himself, after the commission of
many murders and cruelties, dying by the hand of an assassin.
Next we see the deacon Benedict, though freely elected by the
Eomans, carried away captive into the wilds of Germany by the
new Caesar [Otho I.] and his pope Leo. Then a second Caesar
[Otho II.], greater in arts and arms than the first [?], succeeds ;
and in his absence Boniface, a very monster of iniquity, reeking
with the blood of his predecessor, mounts the iihrone of Peter.
True, he is expelled and condemned ; but only to return again,
the Arabians from Lombardy and Venice, and the formation of a united king-
dom of Italy.
1 Ditmar of Merseburg, the historian of Henry II., expresses the sentiment
of that time when he says (Chr&n. IV. 22) : "Neither the climate nor the people
suit our countrymen. Both in Borne and Lombardy treason is always at work.
Strangers who visit Italy expert no hospitality : everything they require must
be instantly paid for; and even then they must submit to he over-reached and
cheated, and not unfrequently to he poisoned after alL"
2 64. THE INTERFEEENCE OF OTHO THE GBEAT. 291
and redden his hands with the blood of the holy bishop John
[XIV.]. Are there, indeed, any bold enough to mmnfeiin that
the priests of the Lord over all the world are to take their law
from monsters of guilt like these — men branded with ignominy,
illiterate men, and ignorant alike of things human and divine?
If, holy fathers, we be bound to weigh in the balance the lives,
the morals, and the attainments of the meanest candidate for the
sacerdotal office, how much more ought we to look to the fitness
of him who-aspires to be the lord and master of all priests ! Yet
how would it fare with us, if it should happen that the man
the most deficient in all these virtues, one so abject as not to be
worthy of the lowest place among the priesthood, should be
chosen to fill the highest place of all ? What would you say of
such a one, when you behold him sitting upon the throne glit-
tering in purple and gold ? Must he not be the 'Antichrist, sit-
ting in the temple of God, and showing himself as GrodJ ? Verily
such a one lacketh both wisdom and charity; he staudeth in the
temple as an image, as an idol, from which as from dead marble
you would seek counsel.1
" But the Church of God is not subject to a wicked pope ; nor
even absolutely, and on all occasions, to a good one. Let us
rather in our difficulties resort to our brethren of Belgium and
Germany than to that city, where all things are venal, where
judgment and justice are bartered for gold. Let us imitate the
great church of Africa, which, in reply to the pretensions of the
Roman pontiff, deemed it inconceivable that the Lord should
have invested any one person with his own plenary prerogative
of judicature, and yet have denied it to the great congregations
of his priests assembled in council in different parts of the world.
If it be true, as we are informed by common'report, that there is
1 " Quid hunc, rev. Patres, in sublimi soKo residentem veste purpwrea et aurea ra-
diantem, quid hunc, inqwm, esse censetisf Nimirum si carttate destituitw, sdaque
sa^iairijlalMretextoUitur, Antichrisfas est, m temph Dei sedens,et se osttnden*
tcmquam sit Deus. Si autem nee (witcfc fonfafar, nee seientia erigitur, in temph
Dei tcmquam staiuctj tanquam, idohwi est, a quo responses peter e, mormon* considers
est."
292 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590 TO 1049.
ia Rome scarcely a man acquainted with letters, — without which,
as it is written, one may scarcely be a doorkeeper in the house of
God, — with what face may he who hath himself learnt nothing
set himself up for a teacher of others ? In the simple priest
ignorance is bad enough; but in the high priest of Kome, — in
him to whom it is given to pass in review the faith, the lives,
the morals, the discipline, of the whole body of the priesthood,
yea, of the universal church, ignorance is in nowise to be
tolerated. . . . Why should he not be subject in judgment to
those who, though lowest in place, are his superiors in virtue
and in wisdom? Yea, not even he, the prince of the apostles,
declined the rebuke of Paul, though his inferior in place, and,
saith lie great pope Gregory [I.], ' if a bishop be in fault, I know
not any one such who is not subject to the holy see; but if
faultless, let every one understand that he is the equal of the
Eoman pontiff himself, and as well qualified as he to give judg-
ment in any matter/ ;n
The secretary of this council and the probable framer of this
remarkable speech was Gerbert, who became archbishop of
Eheims, afterwards of Ravenna, and at last pope under the
name of Sylvester II. But pope John XV. (or his master
Crescentius) declared the proceedings of this council null and
void, and interdicted Gerbert. His successor, Gregory V.,
threatened the kingdom of France with a general interdict un-
less Arnulf was restored. Gerbert, forsaken by king Eobert L,
who needed the favor of the pope, was glad to escape from his
uncomfortable seat and to accept an invitation of (Who HL to
become his teacher (995). Arnulf was reinstated in Bheims.
1 The acts of this Synod were first published in the Magdeburg Centuries,
then byMansi, Owe. XIX. 107, and Perte, Mm. V. 658. Baronius pronounced
themspurious, and interspersed them wfth indignant notes ; but Mansi (p. 107)
says: " Gsn^ mdgo (mnes, Q&bc^
AaBfo* See Gieseler, Greenwood (Book YD!ch. 6), and Helele (IV* 637 sqq.).
Hefele pronounces the speech ^h
65. THE SECOND DEGEABATION OF THE PAPACY. 293
§ 65. The Second Degradation of the Papacy from Oiho L to
Henry III. A. D. 973-1046.
L The sources for the papacy in the second half of the tenth and in the
eleventh century are collected in Muratori's Annali d9 Italia (Milano
1744-49) ; in Migne's Patrol., Tom. CXXXVIL-CL. ; Leibnitz, An-
nales Imp. Occid. (down to A.D 1005; Han., 1843, 3 vols.) ; Pertz,
Man. Germ. (Auctores), Tom. V. (Leges), Tom. II. ; Kanke, Jakr-
bucher des deutsehen Seiches unter dem Sachs. Home (Berlin 1837-40,
3 vols. ; the second vol. by Giesebrecht and Wilmans contains the
reigns of Otho II. and Oiho III.). On the sources see Giesebreeht,
Gesoh. der deutsehen Kaiserzeit, IL 568 sqq.
IE. STENZEL: Geachichte Deutsehlands unter den IranMsehen Kaisem.
Leipz., 1827, 1828, 2 vols.
0. F. HOCK (E. C.) : Gerbert oder Papst Sylvester und sein Jahrhundert.
Wien, 1837.
C. HOFLEB (R. C.) : Die deutsehen Papste. Eegensb., 1839, 2 vols.
H. J. FLOSS (E. C.) : Die Papstwahl unter den Ottonen. Freib., 1858.
C. WILL : Die Anfange der fiestauration der Kirche im elften Jahrh. Mar-
burg, 1859-'62, 2 vols.
E. K6PKE und E. DUMMLEB: Otto der Grosse. Leipz. 1876.
Comp. BABONITJS (Annal.) ; JAFF^" (Reg. 325-364) ; HEFELE (Cbndlien-
geschichte IV. 632 sqq., 2d ed.) ; GFR5REB (vol. III., P. III., 1358-
1590, and vol. IV., 1846) ; GREGOROVHTS (vols. III. and IV.); v.
EEUMONT (II. 292 sqq.) ; BAXMAJSOST (II. 125-180) ; and GIESE-
BRECHT (I. 569-762, and II. 1-431).
The reform of the papacy was merely temporary. It was fol-
lowed by a second period of disgrace, which lasted till the middle
of the eleventh century, but was interrupted by a few respectable
popes and signs of a coming reformation.
After the death of Otho, during the short and unfortunate
reign of his son, Otho II. (973-983), a faction of the Roman
nobility under the lead of Orescentius or Cencins (probably a
son of pope John X. and Theodora) gained the upper hand.1
He rebelled against the imperial pope, Benedict VI., who was
1 He is called Crescentius de Theodora, and seems to have died in a convent
about 984 Some make him the son of Pope John X. and the elder Theodora,
oHiera, of the younger Theodora. See Grsgowmus, HJ. 407 sqq ; yon Eeo-
mont, II. 292 sqq.; and the genealogy of the Crescentii in Hofler, L 300.
294 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
murdered (974), and elected an Italian anti-pope, Boniface
VII., who had soon to flee to Constantinople, but returned
after some years, murdered another imperial pope, John XIV.
(983), and maintained himself on the blood-stained throne by a
lavish distribution of stolen money till he died, probably by
violence (985).1
During the minority of Otho HL, the imperialists, headed by
Alberic, Count of Tusculum, and the popular Roman party
under the lead of the younger Crescentius (perhaps a grandson
of the infamous Theodora), contended from their fortified places
for the mastery of Rome and the papacy. Bloodshed was a
daily amusement. Issuing from their forts, the two parties gave
battle to each other whenever they met on the street. They set
up rival popes, and mutilated their corpses with insane fury.
The contending parties were related. Marozia's son, Alberic,
had probably inherited Tusculum (which is about fifteen miles
from Rome).2 After the death of Alberic of Tusculum, Crescen-
tius acquired the government under the title of Consul, and in-
dulged the Romans with a short dream of republican freedom in
opposition to the hated rule of the foreign barbarians. He con*
trolled pope John XV*
GREGORY V.
Otho III., on his way to Rome, elected his worthy chaplain
and cousin Bruno, who was consecrated as Gregory V. (996) and
then anointed Otho III. emperor. He is the first pope of Ger-
man blood.3 Crescentius was treated with great leniency, but
after the departure of the German army he stirred up a rebellion,
1 Gerbert (afterwards pope Sylvester II.) called this Bonifacius a "Malefactor"
(Malifaeius } and " horrendum monstrwn, cuwtos mortdes nequitia superaw, etiam
prioris pontificis sanguine Gruentus" Gr^gorovius, III- 410.
2 The Tusculan family claimed descent from Julius Caesar and Octavian.
See Gregorovius, IV* 10, and Giesebrecht II. 174; also the genealogical table
of HSfler at the dose of Vol. I.
* Baronius, however, says that Stephen VIII. (989-942) was a German, and
for this reason opposed by the Romans. Bruno was only twenty-four years old
when elected. Hofler (L 94 sqq.) gives him a very high character.
I 65. THE SECOND DEGRADATION OF THE PAPACY. 295
expelled the German pope and elevated Philagathus, a Calabrian
Greek, under the name of John XVI. to the chair of St. Peter.
Gregory V. convened a large synod at Pavia, which unanimously
pronounced the anathema against Crescentius and his pope.
The emperor hastened to Rome with an army, stormed the castle
of St. Angelo (the mole of Hadrian), and beheaded Crescentius
as a traitor, while John XVI. by order of Gregory V. was,
according to the savage practice of that age, fearfully mutilated,
and paraded through the streets on an ass, with his face turned
to the tail and with a wine-bladder on his head.
SYLVESTER II.
After the sudden and probably violent death of Gregory V.
(999), the emperor elected, with the assent of the clergy and the
people, his friend and preceptor, Gerbert, archbishop of Eheims,
and then of Kavenna, to the papal throne. Gerbert was the first
French pope, a man of rare learning and ability, and moral in-
tegrity. He abandoned the liberal views he had expressed at
the Council at Bheirns,1 and the legend says that he sold his soul
to the devil for the papal tiara. He assumed the significant name
of Sylvester II., intending to aid the youthful emperor (whose
mother was a Greek princess) in the realization of his Utopian
dream to establish a Graeco-Latin empire with old Rome for its
capital, and to rule from it the Christian world, as Constantine
the Great had done during the pontificate of Sylvester L But
Otho died in his twenty-second year, of Italian fever or of poison
(1002).2
Sylvester II. followed his imperial pupil a year after (1003).
His learning, acquired in part from the Arabs in Spain, appeared
1 See preceding section, p. 290.
2 According to several Italian writers he was poisoned by Stephania, under
the disguise of a loving mistress, in revenge of the murder of Crescentius, her
husband. Muratori and Milman accept the story, but it is not mentioned by
Diftnar (Chran. IV. 30), and discredited by Leo, Gfiflrer, and Greenwood.
Otho had restored to the son of Stephania all his father's property, and made
him prefect of Borne. The same remorseless Stephania is said to have adminis-
tered subtle poison to pope Sylvester II*
296 FOURTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
a marvel to his ignorant age, and suggested a connection with
magic. He sent to St, Stephen of Hungary the royal crown,
and, in a pastoral letter to Europe where Jerusalem is repre-
sented as crying for help, he gave the first impulse to the cru-
sades (1000), ninety years before they actually began.1
In the expectation of the approaching judgment, crowds of
pilgrims flocked to Palestine to greet the advent of the Saviour.
But the first millennium passed, and Christendom awoke with
a sigh of relief on the first day of the year 1001.
BENEDICT VTII., AND EMPEROR HENRY II.
Upon the whole the Saxon emperors were of great service to
the papacy : they emancipated it from the tyranny of domestic
political factions, they restored it to wealth, and substituted
worthy occupants for monstrous criminals.
During the next reign the confusion broke out once more.
The arti-imperial party regained the ascendency, and John Ores-
centius, the son of the beheaded consul, ruled under the title of
Senator and Patricius. But the Counts of Tusculum held the
balance of power pretty evenly, and gradually superseded the
house of Oescentius. They elected Benedict VIII. (1012-
1024), a member of their family; while Crescentius and his
friends appointed an anti-pope (Gregory).
Benedict proved a very energetic pope in the defence of Italy
against the Saracens. He forms the connecting link between
the Ottoman and the Hildebrandian popes. He crowned Henry
IL (1014), as the faithful patron and protector simply, not as the
liege-lord, of the pope.
This last emperor of the Saxon house was very devout, ascetic,
and liberal in endowing bishoprics. He favored clerical celibacy.
He aimed earnestly at a moral reformation of the church. He
1See Gfrorer, HI. P. DT. 1550sq. He regards Sylvester H. oneof the
greatest of popes and statesmen who developed all the germs of the system, and
showed the way to his successors. Comp. on him 'Milmfl.nj Bk. V. ch. 13 j
Giesebrecht, 1. 6X3 sqq. and 690 sqq.
S 65. THE SECOND DEGKADATION OF TEDS PAPACY. 297
declared at a diet, that he had made Christ his heir, and would
devote all he possessed to God and his church. He filled the
vacant bishoprics and abbeys with learned and worthy men ;
and hence his right of appointment was not resisted. He died
after a reign of twenty-two years, and was buried at his favorite
place, Bamberg in Bavaria, where he had founded a bishopric
(1007). He and his chaste wife, Kunigunde, were canonized by
the grateful church (1146).1
THE TUSCULAK POPES. BENEDICT IX.
With Benedict VIII. the papal dignity became hereditary in
the Tusculan family. He had bought it by open bribery. He
was followed by his brother John XIX., a layman, who bought
it likewise, and passed in one day through all the clerical degrees.
After his death in 1033, his nephew Theophylact, a boy of
only ten or twelve years of age,2 ascended the papal throne under
the name of Benedict IX. (1033-1045). His election was a
1 His historian, bishop Thitmar or Ditmar of Mersebuig, relates that Henry
never held carnal intercourse with his wife, and submitted to rigid penances and
frequent flagellations for the subjugation of animal passions. But Hase (J 160,
tenth ed.) remarks: "Die Mdnche, die ear m Gunsten dear BisthZmer beraubt hat,
dachten ihn nur ebon van derHvtte gerettet; auch den Heiligensthein derjungfraw-
licken Kaiserin hat der Teufd zu verdunMn gewusst" Comp. G. Schurzfleisch,
De innocentia Qimig., Wit., 1700. A. Noel, Leben der hett. Kunigunde, Luxemb.
1856. For a high and just estimate of Henry's character see Giesebrecht II. 94-96.
"The legend," he says, "describes Henry as a monk in purple, as a penitent
with a crown, who can scarcely drag along his lame body ; it places Kunigunde
at his side not as wife but as a nun, who in prayer and mortification of the flesh,
seeks with him the path to heaven. History gives a very different picture of
king Henry and his wife. It bears witness that he was one of the most active
and energetic rulers that ever sat on the German throne, and possessed a sharp
understanding and a power of organization very rare in those times. It was a
misfortune for Germany that such a statesman had to spend most of his life in
internal and external wars. Honorable as he was in arms, he would have
acquired a higher fame in times of peace."
2 Eodulfus Glaber, Histor. mi tmporis, IV- 5 (in Migne, Tom. 142, p. 979) :
"puerferme (fere) deeenntef* but in V. 5: "fuerat sedi vrdimriw quiidam puer
circUer annorum duodecim, contra jus nefasgue" Hefele stated, in the first ed.
(IV. 673), that Benedict was eighteen when elected. In the second ed. (p. 706)
he corrects himself and makes him twelve years at his election.
298 EOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
mere money bargain between the Tusculan family and tne venal
clergy and populace of Koine. Once more the Lord took from
Jerusalem and Judah the stay and the staff, and gave children
to be their princes, and babes to rule over them.1
This boy-pope fully equaled and even surpassed John XII. in
precocious wickedness. He combined the childishness of Cali-
gula and the viciousness of Heliogabalus.2 He grew worse as he
advanced in years. He ruled like a captain of banditti, com-
mittal murders and adulteries in open day-light, robbed pilgrims
on the graves of martyrs, and turned Eome into a den of thieves.
These crimes went unpunished ; for who could judge a pope ?
And his brother, Gregory, was Patrician of the city. At one
time, it is reported, he had the crazy notion of marrying his
cousin and enthroning a woman in the chair of St. Peter; but
the father of the intended bride refused unless he abdicated the
papacy.3 Desiderius, who himself afterwards became pope
(Victor III.), shrinks from describing the detestable life of
this Benedict, who, he says, followed in the footsteps of Simon
Magus rather than of Simon Peter, and proceeded in a career
of rapine, murder, and every species of felony, until even the
people of Eome became weary of his iniquities, and expelled
him from the city. Sylvester HI. was elected antipope (Jan.,
1044), but Benedict soon resumed the papacy with all his
vices (April 10, 1044), then sold it for one or two thousand
pounds silver* to an archpresbyter John Gratian of the same
1 Gregorovius, IV. 42, says: "Mit Benedict IX. erreichte das Papstthwn jencn
aussersten Orad des sittliehen Verfatts, welcher nach den Geseteen der mensctiichcti
Natur den UmscHagzum Bessern erzeugt."
'Bonitho, ed. JaffS p, 50: "Post multa twrpia cduUeria et homicidia manibu*
suis perpetrata, postrenw cum vettet cmsobnnam accipere cmiugem, filiam scilicet
Oirardi de Saxo, et tile diceret: nuflo modo se daturum nisi renunciaret pontificatui
ad qaendam sneerdotem, Johannem se wntidit." A similar report is found in the
^Twwto AUahewes. But Steindorff and Hefele (IV. 707) disciedit the mar-
riage project as a malignant invention or fable.
* An old catak>gue of popes (in Muratori, Script. ILL 2, p. 345) states the earn
as mfiU libra denariorum Pap&xium, but Benno as libra miUe qwingente. Others
give two thousand pounds as the sum. Otto of Freising adds that Benedict
I 66. HENEY III. AND THE SYNOD OF SUTEL 299
house (May, 1045), after he had emptied the treasury of every
article of value, and, rueing the bargain, he claimed the dignity
again (Nov., 1047), till he was finally expelled from Some ( July;
1048).
GREGORY VI. •
John Gratian assumed the name Gregory YL He was
revered as a saint for his chastity which, on account of its
extreme rarity in Koine, was called an angelic virtue. He
bought the papacy with the sincere desire to reform it, and made
the monk Hildebrand, the future reformer, his chaplain. He
acted on the principle that the end sanctifies the means.
Thus there were for a while three rival popes. Benedict TX-
(before his final expulsion) held the Lateran, Gregory VI. Maria
Maggiore, Sylvester IIL St. Peter's and the Vatican.1
Their feuds reflected the general condition of Italy. The
streets of Eome swarmed with hired assassins, the whole country
with robbers, the virtue of pilgrims was openly assailed, even
churches and the tombs of the apostles were desecrated by blood-
shed.
Again the German emperor had to interfere for the restoration
of order.
§ 66. Senary IIL <wd the Synod of Swtri. Deposition of three
rival Popes. A.D. 1046.
BONIZO (or Bonitho, bishop of Sutri, afterwards of Piacenza, and friend
of Gregory VTL, d. 1089) : Liber ad amicum, s. de persecwtione Eccle*
sice (in (EFBLH Seriptores rerum Boicarum 27., 794, and better in
JAFFE'S Mmurnmta Gregoriana, 1865). Contains in lib. V. a history
of the popes from Benedict IX. to Gregory VII., with many errors.
BODULFITS GLABEB (or Glaber Radulfus, monk of Cluny, about 1046):
IRstoria sui temporis (in Migne, Tom. 142).
reserved besides the Peter's pence from England. See Giesehrecht, II. 643, and
Hefele IV. 707.
1 Migne, Tom. 141, p. 1343. Steindorff and Hefele (IV. 708) dissent from
this nsual view of a three-fold schism, and consider Gregory as the only pope-
Bnt all three were summoned to the Synod of Sutri and deposed; consequently
they must all have claimed possession.
300 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
DESIDEBIUS (Abbot of M. Cassino, afterwards pope Victor III., d. 1080):
De Miraculis a 8. Benedict® aliisgue monachis Oassinienslbus gestb
Dialog., in " Bibl. Patr." Lugd. XVIIL 853.
Annales JRoma/ii in Pertz, Mon* Germ. VII.
Annales Corbeienses, in Pertz, Hon. Germ. V. ; and in Jafie, Monumenta
Cqrbeiensia, Berlin, 1864.
ERNST BTEESTDORPF: Jahrbuches des deutschen Reich* unter Hemrich III.
Leipzig, 1874.
HEFELE: Condliengesch. IV. 706 sqq. (2d ed.).
See Lit. in § 64, especially HOFLEB and WILL.
Emperor Henry III., of the house of Franconia, was appealed
to by the advocates of reform, and felt deeply the sad state of the
church. He was only twenty-two years old, but ripe in intel-
lect, full of energy and zeal, and aimed at a reformation of the
church under the control of the empire, as Hildebrand after-
wards labored for a reformation of the church under the control
of the papacy.
On his way to Eome for the coronation he held (Dec. 20,
1046) a synod at Sutri, a small town about twenty-five miles
north of Eome, and a few days afterwards another synod at
Rome which completed the work.1 Gregory VI. presided at
first. The claims of the three rival pontiffs were considered.
Benedict IX. and Sylvester III. were soon disposed of, the first
having twice resigned, the second being a mere intruder. Gre-
gory VI. deserved likewise deposition for the sin of simony in
buying the papacy; but as he had convoked the synod by order
of the emperor and was otherwise a worthy person, he was al-
lowed to depose himself or to abdicate. He did it in these
words: "I, Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, do
hereby adjudge myself to be removed from the pontificate of
the Holy Roman Church, because of the enormous error which
by simoniacal impurity has crept into and vitiated my election."
Then he asked the assembled fathers: "Is it your pleasure
1 The sources differ in the distribution of the work between the two synods:
some assign it to Sutri, others to Borne, others divide it. Steindorff and Hefele
(IV. 710) assume that Gregory and Sylvester were deposed at Sutri; Benedict
(who did not appear at Sutri) was deposed in Eome. All agree that the new
pope was elected in Eome.
2 66. HENRY HL AKD THE SY^OD OF STJTRL 301
that so it shall be?" to which they unanimously replied : "Your
pleasure is our pleasure; therefore so let it be/' As soon as the
humble pope had pronounced his own sentence, he descended
from the throne, divested himself of his pontifical robes, and im-
plored pardon on his knees for the usurpation of the highest
dignity in Christendom. He acted as pope de facto, and pro-
nounced himself no pope dejure. He was used by the synod for
deposing his two rivals, and then for deposing himself. In that
way the synod saved the principle that the pope was above every
human tribunal, and responsible to God alone. This view of
the case of Gregory rests on the reports of Bonitho and Deside-
rius. According to other reports in the Annales Cbrbeienses and
Peter Damiani, who was present at Sutri, Gregory was deposed
directly by the Synod.1 At all events, the deposition was real
and final, and the cause was the sin of simony.
But if simony vitiated an election, there were probably few
legitimate popes in the tenth century when everything was venal
and corrupt in Rome. Moreover bribery seems a small sin com-
pared with the enormous crimes of several of these Judases.
Hildebrand recognized Gregory VI. by adopting his pontifical
name in honor of his memory, and yet he made relentless war
upon the sin of simony. He followed the self-deposed pope as
ohaplain across the Alps into exile, and buried him in peace on
the banks of the Rhine.
Henry III. adjourned the Synod of Sutri to St. Peter's in
JJome for the election of a new pope (Dec. 23 and 24, 1046).
The synod was to elect, but no Roman clergyman could be found
free of the pollution of " simony and fornication." Then the
king, vested by the synod with the green mantle of the patriciate
and the plenary authority of the electors, descended from his
throne, and seated Suidger, bishop of Bamberg, a man of spot-
less character, on the vacant chair of St. Peter amid the loud
hosannas of the assembly.3 The new pope assumed the name of
1 See Jaffig, SteindorJ? and Hefele (IV. 711 sq.)-
1 According to the lima/. Gorb., Suidger was elected "canonic* ef syncxKcs .. .
unanimi dtri a populi dectwnc."
302 FOUETH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
Clement II., and crowned Henry emperor on the festival of
Christmas, on which Charlemagne had been crowned. The
name was a reminder of the conflict of the first Clement of Rome
with Simon Magus. But he outlived his election only nine
months, and his body was transferred to his beloved Bamberg^
The wretched Benedict IX. again took possession of the Lateran
(till July 16, 1048). He died afterwards in Grotto Ferrata,
according to one report as a penitent saint, according to another
as a hardened sinner whose ghost frightened the living. A third
German pontiff, Poppo, bishop of Brixen, called Damasus II.,
was elected, but died twenty-three days after his consecration
(Aug. 10, 1048), of the Roman fever, if not of poison.
The emperor, at the request of the Romans, appointed at
Worms in December, 1048, Bruno, bishop of Toul, to the papal
chair. He was a man of noble birth, fine appearance, consider-
able learning, unblemished character, and sincere piety, in full
sympathy with the spirit of reform which emanated from Cluny.
He accepted the appointment in presence of the Roman depu-
ties, subject to the consent of the clergy and people of Rome.1
He invited the monk Hildebrand to accompany him in his pil-
grimage to Rome. Hildebrand refused at first, because Bruno
had not been canonically elected, but by the secular and royal
power; but he was persuaded to follow him.
Bruno reached Rome in the month of February, 1049, in'
the dress of a pilgrim, barefoot, weeping, regardless of the
hymns of welcome. His election was unanimously confirmed by
the Roman clergy and people, and he was solemnly consecrated
Feb. 12, as Leo IX. He found the papal treasury empty, and
his own means were soon exhausted. He chose Hildebrand as
his subdeacon, financier, and confidential adviser, who hereafter
was the soul of the papal reform, till he himself ascended the
papal throne in 1073.
1 So says TVlbert, his friend and biographer, but Bonitho reports that Hilde-
brand induced him to submit first to a Koman election, since a pope elected
bj the emperor was not an apostolicus, but an apostoticus. See Baxmann, IT.
215-217. Comp. also Hunkler : LeoIX.und seine Zeti. Mainz, 1851.
\ 66. HEKEY IIL AM) THE SYNOD OF SUTBL 303
We stand here at the close of the deepest degradation and on
the threshold of the highest elevation of the papacy. The synod
of Sntri and the reign of Leo IX. mark the beginning of a dis-
ciplinary reform. Simony or the sale and purchase of ecclesias-
tical dignities, and Nicolaitism or the carnal sins of the clergy,
including marriage, concubinage and unnatural vices, were the
crying evils of the church in the eyes of the most serious men,
especially the disciples of Cluny and of St. Eomuald. A refor-
mation therefore from the hierarchical standpoint of the middle
ages was essentially a suppression of these two abuses. And as
the corruption had reached its climax in the papal chair, the
reformation had to begin at the head before it could reach the
members. It was the work chiefly of Hildebrand or Gregory
VIL, with whom the next period opens.
CHAPTER V.
THE CONFLICT OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHUKCHE8
AND THEIB SEPABATION.
§ 67. Sources and lateratwre.
The chief sources on the beginning of the controversy between Photras
and Nicolas are in MJLNTSI: Cone. Tom. XV. and XVL; in HAB-
DTJIN: Gone. Tom. V. HEBGENBSTHEB : Monumenfo Qrosca ad
Photium ejusgue historian, pertinentia. Eegensb. 1869.
L On the GBEEK side :
PHOTIUS : MSyK&cfooc bcaroMi, etc. and especially his Aoyoj irspl rqg TOV d-yfo*
'Qyevjiarog pvarayuyiae, etc. See PHOTn Opera omnia, ed. Migne.
Paris, 1860-'61, 4 voLs. (Patr. Or. Tom. CI.-CIV.) The Encycl.
Letter is in Tom. II. 722-742 ; and his treatise on the uwrrayayta TOV
ayiov TLvevfjtarog in Tom. II. 279-391.
Later champions i
CJEBTTLABIIIS, NlCOETAS PECTORATTTS, THEOPHYLACT (12th Century).
EUTHYMTUS ZtiGABEsrus, PHTJBKTTS, EtTSTBATTUS, and many others.
In recent times PBOKOPOVITCH (1772), ZOEEKICAV (1774^ 2 vols.).
J. G. PITZIPIOS : I/JEffL orientate, sa separation et sa reunion avec cells de
Rome. Borne, 1855. IS Orient. Les rtformes de I 'empire byzantm.
Paris, 1858.
A- N. MouEAVXEFp (Euss.) : Question religfause tf Orient et $ Occident.
Moscow, 1856.
GtTETTERE : Lapapaute scMsmaMque. Par. 1868.
A. PIGHI/EB: Gesch* d. Mrchlichen Trennung zwischen dem Orient und
Occident von den ersten Anfangen bis zur jungsten Gegenwart. Man-
chen, 1865, 2Bde. The author was a Roman Catholic (Privatdocent
der Theol. in Munchen) when he wrote this work, but blamed the
West fully as much as the East for the schism, and afterwards joined
the Greek church in Bnssia.
ANBBONICOS DESOTBAGOPITLOS : 'Itrropfa TOV <%&r/<aroc« Lips. 1867. Also
his Bf£;U0&faj7 eiudwr. Lips. 1866.
THEODOBUS LASCABIS JUNIOR: De Processione Spirttus jS. OratioApo-
logetica. London and Jena, 1875.
1L On the LATKT (Eoman CathoKc) side:
BATBAMNTTS (Oontra Qroscorvm Opposita)* ANBEIAT of Canterbury
(De Proeessione jStpiritw & 1098); PETBUS CHBYSOLANUS (1112);
THOMAS AQOTNTAS (d. 1274), etc.
304
? 67. SOURCES AND LITERATURE. 305
LEO ALLATITJS ( AJlacci, a Greek of duos, but converted to the Roman
Church and guardian of the Vatican library, d. 1669) : De ecclmcs
Occident, atque orient* p&rpetua oonsensione. Cologne, 1648, 4to. ; new
ed. 1665 and 1694. Also bis Grcecia orthodoxa, 1609, 2 vols., new
ed. by Lammer, Freib. i. B. 1864 sq. ; and Ms special fcracte on Pur-
gatory (Rom. 1655), and on the Procession of the Holy Spirit
(Rom. 1658).
MAIMBURG : Hist, du schism des Grecs. Paris, 1677, 4to.
STEPH. DE ALTIMUEA (Mich, le Quien): Panoplia gonfra srMxwi
GrcBCorum. Par. 1738, 4to.
MICHAEL LE QUIEN (d. 1733): Orient Christianus. Par. EtfO, 3
vols. foL
Abbe JAGER: Histoire de Photius dtapres ks monument originausr 2nd
ed. Par. 1845.
LuiGl TOSTI: Storia, delPorigine detto scisma greco. Firenze 1856.
2 vols.
H. LAMMEE, : Papst Nikolam I. und die byzantiniscfie jStaafaMrche seiner
ZeU. Berlin, 1857.
AD. D'AVBIL: Documents refa&fs aux tylises de F Orient, consid&ree dans
leur rapports avec le saint-sfege de Rome. Paris, 1862.
KAHL WERNER : GeschichtederapoLundpolemischenLHeratur. Schaft-
hausen, 1864, voL HL 3 ff.
J. HERGENROTHER (Pro£ of Church History in Wurzburg, now Cardi-
nal In Rome) : Photius, Patriarch von Constantinopel. Sein Leben,
seine Schriften, und das griechische Scfiima. Regensburg, 1867-1869,
3 vols.
C. Jos. VON HEFELE (Bishop of Rottenburg) : Oondli^ngeschichte. Frei-
burg i. B., vols. IV., V., VI., VH. (revised ed. 1879 sqq.)
HE. PROTESTANT writers:
J. G. WALCH (Luth. ) : IRstoria controversm GrcBcorum Latinorumque de
Processione jSp. S. Jena, 1751.
GIBBON: Decline and Fall, etc., Gh. LX. He views the schism as one
of the causes which precipitated the decline and fall of the Roman
empire in the East by alienating its most useful allies and strength-
ening its most dangerous enemies.
JOHN MASON NEALE (Anglican) : A History of the Holy Eastern Church.
Lond. 1850. Introd. vol. II. 1093-1169.
EDMUND S. FOTTLKES (Anglic.) : An Historical Account of the Addition
of the word Filwgue to the Greed of the West. Lond. 1867.
W. GABS : Symbolic der griechischen Krche. Berlin, 1872*
H. B. SWETE (Anglic.) : Marly History of the Doctrine of the Holy Spirit,
Cambr. 1873 ; and History of the Doctrine of the Procestion of the Hofy
Spirit from the Apost. Age to the Death of Charlemagne. Cambr. 1876.
306 FOURTH PEBIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
IV. OLD CATHOLIC WRITERS (irenical) :
JOSEPH LAKGEJT : Die Trmitarische Lehrdifferenz zwischen der a&endZandi*
schen wid der morgenldTtdischen, Eirclie. Bonn, 1876.
The Proceedings of the second Old Catholic Union-Conference in Bonn,
1875, ed. in German by HEEBTBICH REUSCH ; English ed. with intro-
duction by Canon LIDDON (Lond. 1876) ; Amer. ed. transl. by Dr.
SAMUEL BUEL, with introduction by Dr. E. NEVEST (N. Y. 1876).
The union-theses of Bonn are given in SCHAFF : Greeds of Ghristen-
d<m3 voL II., 545-650.
§ 68. The Consensus and Dissensus between the Greek and Latin
Churches.
No two churches in the world are at this day so ranch alike,
and yet so averse to each other as the Oriental or Greek, and the
Occidental or Roman. They hold, as an inheritance from the
patristic age, essentially the same body of doctrine, the same
canons of discipline, the same form of worship; and yet their
antagonism seems irreconcilable. The very affinity breeds
jealousy and friction. They are equally exclusive : the Oriental
Church claims exclusive orthodoxy, and looks upon Western
Christendom as heretical; the Roman Church claims exclusive
catholicity y and considers all other churches as heretical or schis-
matical sects. The one is proud of her creed, the other of her
dominion. In all the points of controversy between Romanism
and Protestantism the Greek Church is much nearer the Roman,
and yet there is no more prospect of a union between them than
of a union between Rome and Geneva, or Moscow and Oxford.
The Pope and the Czar are the two most powerful rival-despots
in Christendom, Where the two churches meet in closest prox-
imity, over the traditional spots of the birth and tomb of our
Saviour, at Bethlehem and Jerusalem, they hate each other most
bitterly, and their ignorant and bigoted monks have to be kept
from violent collision by Mohammedan soldiers.
I. Let us first briefly glance at the consensus.
Both churches own the Nicene creed (with the exception of
the FiRoque), and all the doctrinal decrees of the seven cecu-
5 68. THE CONSENSUS AND DISSENSUS, ETC. 307
menical Synods from A, D. 325 to 787, including the worship
of images.
They agree moreover in most of the post-oecumenical or
mediaeval doctrines against which the evangelical Reformation
protested, namely : the authority of ecclesiastical tradition as a
joint role of faith with the holy Scriptures ; the worship of the
Yirgin Mary, of the saints, their pictures (not statues), and
relics; justification by faith and good works, as joint conditions ;
the merit of good works, especially voluntary celibacy and
poverty ; the seven sacraments or mysteries (with minor differ-
ences as to confirmation, and extreme unction or chrisma) ; bap-
tismal regeneration and the necessity of water-baptism for salva-
tion; transubstantiation and the consequent adoration of the
sacramental elements ; the sacrifice of the mass for the living and
the dead, with prayers for the dead; priestly absolution by
divine authority ; three orders of the ministry, and the necessity
of an episcopal hierarchy up to the patriarchal dignity; and a
vast number of religious rites and ceremonies.
In the doctrine of purgatory, the Greek Church is less
explicit, yet agrees with the Roman in assuming a middle state
of purification, and the efficacy of prayers and masses for the
departed. The dogma of transubstantiation, too, is not so clearly
formulated in the Greek creed as in the Roman, but the differ-
ence is very small. As to the Holy Scriptures, the Greek
Church has never prohibited the popular use, and the Russian
Church even favors the free circulation of her authorized ver-
nacular version. But the traditions of the Greek Church are
as strong a barrier against the exercise of private judgment and
exegetical progress as those of Rome.
IL The dissensus of the two churches covers the following
points :
1. The procession of the Holy Spirit : the East teaching the
single procession from the Father only, the West (since
Augustin), the double procession from the Father and the
8m (FMogue).
308 FOURTH PERIOD. A. J>. 590-1049.
2. The universal authority and infallibility of the pope5
which is asserted by the Roman, denied by the Greek Church.
The former is a papal monarchy, the latter a patriarchal
oligarchy. There are, according to the Greek theory, five
patriarchs of equal rights, the pope of Rome, the patriarchs
of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. They
were sometimes compared to the five senses in the body. To
them was afterwards added the patriarch of Moscow for the
Russian church (which is now governed by the "Holy
Synod "). To the bishop of Rome was formerly conceded a
primacy of honor, but this primacy passed with the seat of
empire to the patriarch of Constantinople, who therefore signed
himself "Archbishop of New Rome and (Ecumenical Patri-
arch."1
3. The immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary, pro-
claimed as a dogma by the pope in 1854, disowned by the East,
which, however, in the practice of Mariolatry fully equals the
West.
4. The marriage of the lower clergy, allowed by the Eastern,
forbidden by the Roman Church (yet conceded by the pope to
the United Greeks).
5. The withdrawal of the cup from the laity. In the Greek
Church the laymen receive the consecrated bread dipped in the
wine and administered with a golden spoon.
6. A number of minor ceremonies peculiar to the Eastern
Church, such as trine immersion in baptism, the use of leavened
bread in the eucharist, infant-communion, the repetition of the
holy unction (TO ei)%£hov} in sickness.
Notwithstanding these , differences the Roman Church has
always been obliged to recognize the Greek Church as essentially
orthodox, though schismatic. And, certainly, the differences
are insignificant as compared with the agreement. The sep-
aration and antagonism must therefore be explained fully aa
much and more from an alienation of spirit and change of
condition.
1 See the passages in Gieseler II. 227 sq.
2 69. THE CAUSES OF SEPAKATJON. 309
NOTE ON THE EASTERN" OSTHODOX CHtJBCH.
For the sake of brevity the usual terminology is employed in this
chapter, but the proper name of the Greek Church is the HOLY
ORIENTAL ORTHODOX APOSTOLIC CHUBCH. The terms mostly in use
in that church are Orthodox and Oriental (Eastern). The term Greek is
used in Turkey only of the Greeks proper (the Hellens) ; but the great
majority of Oriental Christians in Turkey and Russia belong to the
Slavonic race. The Greek is the original and classical language of the
Oriental Church, in which the most important works are written ; but it
has been practically superseded in Asiatic Turkey by the Arabic, in
Russia and European Turkey by the Slavonic.
The Oriental or Orthodox Church now embraces three distinct divi-
sions:
1. The Orthodox Church in Turkey (European Turkey and the Greek
islands, Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine) under the patriarchs of Con-
stantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem.
2. The state church of Russia, formerly under the patriarch of Con-
stantinople, then under the patriarch of Moscow, since 1725 under the
Holy Synod of St Petersburg and the headship of the Czar. This is by
far the largest and most important branch.
3. The church of the kingdom of Greece under the Holy Synod of
Greece (since 1833).
There are also Greek Christians in Egypt, the Sinaitic Peninsula (the
monks of the Convent of St. Catharine), the islands of the ^Jgean Sea, in
Malta, Servia, Austria, etc.
Distinct from the Orthodox Church are the Oriental ticTiismatics, the
Nestorians, Armenians, Jacobites, Ctopts, and Abyssinian*, who separated
from the former on the ground of the christological controversies. The
Maronites of Mount Lebanon were originally also schismatics, but sub-
mitted to the pope during the Crusades.
The United Greeks acknowledge the supremacy of the pope, but retain
certain peculiarities of the Oriental Church, aa the marriage of the lower
clergy, the native language in worship. They are found in lower Italy,
Austria, Russia, and Poland.
The Bulgarians, who likewise call themselves orthodox, and who by the
treaty of Berlin in 1878 have been formed into a distinct principality,
occupy an independent position between the Greek and the Roman
Churches.
§ 69. The Cames of Separation.
Church history, like the world's history, moves wMi the SUB
from East to West. In the first six centuries the Eastern or
Greek church represented the main current of life and progress,
310 FOUBTH PEBIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
In the middle ages the Latin church chiefly assumed the task of
christianizing and civilizing the new races which came upon the
stage. The Greek church has had no Middle Ages in the usual
sense, and therefore no Reformation. She planted Christianity
among the Slavonic races, but they were isolated from the
progress of European history, and have not materially affected
either the doctrine or polity or cultus of the church. Theit
conversion was an external expansion, not an internal develop-
ment
The Greek and Latin churches were never organically united
under one government, but differed considerably from the begin-
ning in nationality, language, and various ceremonies. These
differences, however, did not interfere with the general harmony
of faith and Christian life, nor prevent eodperation against com-
mon foes. As long and as far as the genuine spirit of Chris-
tianity directed them, the diversity was an element of strength to
the common cause.
The principal sees of the East were directly founded by the
apostles — with the exception of Constantinople — and had even a
clearer title to apostolic succession and inheritance than Borne.
The Greek church took the lead in theology down to the sixth
or seventh century, and the Latin gratefully learned from her
All the oecumenical Councils were held on the soil of the Byzan-
tine empire in or near Constantinople, and carried on in the
Greek language. The great doctrinal controversies on the holjf
Trinity and Christology were fought out in the East, yet not
without the powerful aid of the more steady and practical West.
Athanasius, when an exile from Alexandria, found refuge and
support in the bishop of Borne. Jerome, the most learned of
the Latin fathers and a friend of Pope Bamasus, was a connect-
ing link between the East and the West, and concluded his
labors in Bethlehem. Pope Leo I. was the theological master-
spirit who controlled the council of Ghalcedon, and shaped the
orthodox formula concerning the two natures in the one person
of Christ. Yet this very pope strongly protested against the
2 69. THE CAUSES OP SEPABATION. 311
action of the Council which, in conformity with a canon of the
second oecumenical Council, put him on a par with the new
bishop of Constantinople.
And here we approach the secret of the ultimate separation
and incurable antagonism of the churches. It is due chiefly to
three causes. The first cause is the politico-ecclesiastical rivalry
of the patriarch of Constantinople backed by the Byzantine em-
pire, and the bishop of Rome in connection with the new Ger-
man empire. The second cause is the growing centralization
and overbearing conduct of the Latin church in and through the
papacy. The third cause is the stationary character of the Greek
and the progressive character of the Latin church during the
middle ages. The Greek church boasts of the imaginary per-
fection of her creed. She still produced considerable scholars
and divines, as Maximus, John of Damascus, Photius, OEcu-
menius, and Theophylact, but they mostly confined themselves
to the work of epitomizing and systematizing the traditional
theology of the Greek fathers, and produced no new ideas, as if
all wisdom began and ended with the old oecumenical Councils.
She took no interest in the important anthropological and soteri-
ological controversies which agitated the Latin church in the age
of St. Augustin, and she continued to occupy the indefinite posi-
tion of the first centuries on the doctrines of sin and grace. On
the other hand she was much distracted and weakened by barren
metaphysical controversies on the abstrusest questions of theology
and christology ; and these quarrels facilitated the rapid progress
of IsUm, which conquered the lands of the Bible and pressed hard
on Constantinople. When the Greek church became stationary,
Hie Latin church began to develop her greatest energy; she be-
•came the fruitful mother of new and vigorous nations of the
North and West of Europe, produced scholastic and mystic theo-
logy and a new order of civilization, built magnificent cathedrals,
discovered a new Continent, invented the art of printing, and
with the revival of learning prepared the way for a new era in
the history of the world* Thus the Latin daughter outgrew the
312 FOURTH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-lb41.
Greek mother, and is numerically twice as strong, without count-
ing the Protestant secession. At the same time the Eastern
church still may look forward to a new future among the
Slavonic races which she has christianized. What she needs is
a revival of the spirit and power of primitive Christianity.
When once the two churches were alienated in spirit and en*
gaged in an unchristian race for supremacy, all the little doctri-
nal and ritualistic differences which had existed long before,
assumed an undue weight, and were hranded as heresies and
crimes. The bishop of Eome sees in the Patriarch of Constan-
tinople an ecclesiastical upstart who owed his power to political
influence, not to apostolic origin. The Eastern patriarchs look
upon the Pope as an anti-christian usurper and as the first Pro-
testant. They stigmatize the papal supremacy as " the chief
heresy of the latter days, which flourishes now as its predecessor,
Arianism, flourished in former days, and which like it, will in
like manner be cast down and vanish away."1
§ 70. The Patriarch and the Pope. Pkotius and Nicolas.
Comp. 2 61 (p. 273), the Lit. in g 67 (p. 304), especially the letters of
Photius and Nicolas.
HEBGENROTHEB: Photius (Eegensb. 1867-69, vol. L <J73 sqq.; 505 sqq.;
and the second vol.), and his Monumenta Gr&ca ad Phoiium ejus-
gue historiam pertinentw (Ratisb. 1869, 181 pages). MILMAST:
Mst. of Latin Christianity, Bk.V. Oh. IV. HEPELB IV. 224 sqq.;
384 sqq. ; 436 sqq. The chief documents are also given by GrtESELEB
H. 213 sqq. (Am. ed.)
The doctrinal difference on the procession of the Holy Spirit
will be considered in the chapter on the Theological Con-
troversies. Although it existed before the schism, it assumed
a practical importance only in connection with the broader
ecclesiastical and political conflict between the patriarch and
the pope, between Constantinople and Eome.
The first serious outbreak of this conflict took place after the
middle of the ninth century, when Photius and Nicolas, two
1 EncycL Epistle of the Eastern Patriarchs, 1844, \ &
S 70. THE PATEIABCH AND THE POPE. 313
of the ablest representatives of the rival churches, came into
collision. Photius is one of the greatest of patriarchs, as
Nicolas is one of the greatest of popes. The former was super-
ior in learning, the latter in statesmanship ; while in moral inte-
grity, official pride and obstinacy both were fairly matched, except
that the papal ambition towered above the patriarchal dignity.
Photius would tolerate no superior, Nicolas no equal ; the one
stood on the Council of Chafcedon, the other on Pseudo-Isidor.
The contest between item was at first personal. The deposi-
tion of Ignatius as patriarch of Constantinople, for rebuking
the immorality of Csesar Bardas, and the election of Photius,
then a mere layman, in his place (858), were arbitrary and
uncanonical acts which created a temporary schism in the East,
and prepared the way for a permanent schism between the East
and the West. Nicolas, being appealed to as mediator by both
parties (first by Photius), assumed the haughty air of supreme
judge on the basis of the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, but
was at first deceived by his own legates. The controversy was
complicated by the Bulgarian quarrel. King Bogoris had been
converted to Christianity by missionaries from Constantinople
(861), but soon after applied to Rome for teachers, and the pope
eagerly seized this opportunity to extend his jurisdiction (866).
Nicolas, in a Roman Synod (863), decided in favor of the
innocent Ignatius, and pronounced sentence of deposition against
Photius with a threat of excommunication in case of disobe-
dience.1 Photius, enraged by this conduct and the Bulgarian
1 The Synod, claiming to be the infallible organ of the Holy Spirit, com-
pared Photius with a robber and adulterer for obtruding himself into the see of
Constantinople during the lifetime of Ignatius, deprived him of all priestly
honors and functions " by authority of Almighty God, St Peter and St. Paul,
the princes of the apostles, of all saints, of the six [why not seven ?] oecumeni-
cal councils, as also by the judgment of the Holy Ghost," and threatened him
and all his adherents with the anathema and excommunication from the
encharist till the moment of death, "that no one may dare hereafter from the
state of the laity to break into the camp of the Lord, as has often been the
case in the church of Constantinople." See on this Synod Hergenrdther, Phot.
L 519 sqq., and Hefele IV. 269 sqq.
314 FOUBTH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
interference, held a counter-synod, and deposed in turn the
successor of St. Peter (867). In his famous Encyclical Letter
of invitation to the Eastern patriarchs, he charged th§ whole
Western church with heresy and schism for interfering with
the jurisdiction over the Bulgarians, for fasting on Saturday,
for abridging the time of Lent by a week, for taking milk-
food (milk, cheese, and butter) during the quadragesimal fast,
for enforcing clerical celibacy, and despising priests who lived
in virtuous matrimony, and, most of all, for corrupting the
Nicene Creed by the insertion of the Mliogue, and thereby
introducing two principles into the Holy Trinity.1
This letter clearly indicates all the doctrinal and ritual
differences which caused and perpetuated the schism to this day.
The subsequent history is only a renewal of the same charges
aggravated by the misfortunes of the Greek church, and the
arrogance and intolerance of old Rome.
Photius fell with the murder of his imperial patron, Michael
HI. (Sept. 23, 867). He was imprisoned in a convent, and
deprived of society, even of books. He bore his Dodsfortune
with great dignity, and nearly all the Greek bishops remained
faithful to him. Ignatius was restored after ten years of exile
by the emperor Basil, the Macedonian (867-886), and entered
into communication with Pope Hadrian H. (Dec. 867). He
convened a general council in the church of St. Sophia (October,
869), which is numbered by the Latins as the Eighth (Ecumeni-
cal Council. The pontifical legates presided and presented a
formula of union which every bishop was required to sign
before taking part in the proceedings, and which contained an
anathema against all heresies, and against Photius and his
adherents. Bat the council was poorly attended (the number
of bishops being at first only eighteen). Photius was forced to
appear in the fifth session (Oct. 20), but on being questioned
1 See the Encydiea ad Patriarchs Orientate in the original Greek in Photius,
Opera II. 723-742 (ed. Migne), also in Gieseler IL 216 sq. Baronius (ad
ann. 863 no. 34sq.) gives it in Latin.
270. THE PATEIAECH AND THE POPE. 315
he either kept silence, or answered in the words of Christ before
Caiaphas and Pilate. In the tenth and last session, attended by
the emperor and his sons, and one hundred and two bishops,
the decrees of the pope against Photius and in favor of Ignatius
were confirmed, and the anathemas against the Monothelites and
Iconoclasts renewed. The papal delegates signed "with reser-
vation of the revision of the pope."
But the peace was artificial, and broken up again immediately
after the Synod by the Bulgarian question, which involved the
political as well as the ecclesiastical power of Constantinople.
Ignatius himself was unwilling to surrender that point, and
refused to obey when the imperious Pope John VIII. com-
manded, on pain of suspension and excommunication, that
he should recall all the Greek bishops and priests from Bul-
garia. But death freed him from further controversy (OcL 23,
877).
Photius was restored to the patriarchal see three days after
the death of Ignatius, with whom he had been reconciled. He
convened a council in November, 879, which lasted till March,
880, and is acknowledged by the Orientals as the Mghfk
(Ecumenical Council,1 but denounced by the Latins as the
Pseudo-Synodus Photiana. It was three times as large as the
Council of Ignatius, and held with great pomp in St. Sophia
under the presidency of Photius. It annulled the Council of
869 as a fraud ; it readopted the Nicene Creed with an anathema
against the Filioque, and all other changes by addition or
omission, and it closed with a eulogy on the unrivalled virtues
and learning of Photius. To the Greek arts was afterwards
added a (pretended) letter of Pope John VIII, to Photius,
declaring the FiMogue to be an addition which is rejected by
the church of Rome, and a blasphemy which must be abolished
calmly and by degrees.2 The papal legates assented to all, and
1 Strictly speaking, however, the Orthodox Eastern Church counts only
seven (Ecumenical Councils.
* The Roman Catholic historians regard this letter as a Greek fraud "left
316 FOURTH PERIOD, A.D. 590-1049.
so deceived their master by false accounts of the surrender of
Bulgaria that he thanked the emperor for the service he had
done to the Church by this synod.
But when the pope's eyes were opened, he sent the bishop
Marinus to Constantinople to declare invalid what the legates
had done contrary to his instructions. For this Marinus was
shut up in prison for thirty days. After his return Pope John
VIII. solemnly pronounced the anathema on Photius, who had
dared to deceive and degrade the holy see, and had added new
frauds to the old. Marinus renewed the anathema after he was
elected pope (882). Photius denied the validity of his election,
and developed an extraordinary literary activity.
But after the death of the Emperor Basilius (886), he was
again deposed by Leo VI., miscalled the Wise or the Philoso-
pher, to make room for his youngest brother Stephen, at that
time only sixteen years of age. Photius spent the last five
years of his life in a cloister, and died 891. For learning,
energy, position, and influence, he is one of the most remarkable
men in the history of Eastern Christianity. He formulated the
doctrinal basis of the schism, checked the papal despotism, and
secured the independence of the Greek church. He announced
in an Encyclical of 866 : " God be praised for all time to come !
The Russians have received a bishop, and show a lively zeal
for Christian worship." Eoman writers have declared this to
be a lie, but history has proved it to be an anticipation of an
important fact, the conversion of a new nation which was to
become the chief support of the Eastern church, and the most
formidable rival of the papacy.
Greek and Eoman historians are apt to trace the guilt of the
schism exclusively to one party, and to charge the other with
unholy ambition and intrigue ; but we must acknowledge on
kmn nicfo glavtHn," says Hefele (IV. 482), "dassje an Papst seine Stettung 90
*>Jvr vergessen, habe, vie & Johann FZZ7. gethan haben musste, wenn dieser Brief
ackt «wre. Xk te in demsdben <wch keint Spur da PtipaUwniutoein*, vidmefo
vst dieSuptnvritatdes PAo^/os* ouoZriid^
271. PEOGEESS AND COMPLETION OF THE SCHISM. 317
the one hand the righteous zeal of Nicolas for the cause of the
injured Ignatius, and on the other the many virtues of Photius
tried in misfortune, as well as his brilliant learning in theology,
philology, philosophy, and history ; while we deplore and de-
nounce the schism as a sin and disgrace of both churches.
NOTES.
The accounts of the Eoman Catholic historians, even the best, are
colored by sectarianism, and must be accepted with caution. Cardinal
Hergenrother (JZirchengesch. I. 684) calls the Council of 879 a "PAo-
tianische Pseudo-Synode" and its acts uein acht byzantinisches Machwerk
ganz vom Odste des verschmitzten, Photius durcJidrungen" Bishop Hefele,
in the revised edition of his Conciliengeseh. (IV. 464 sqq.), treats this
Aftersynode, as he calls it, no better. Both follow in the track of their
old teacher, Dr. Bellinger who, in his History of the Church (translated
by Dr. Edward Cox, London 1841, voL III. p. 100), more than forty
years ago, described this Synod "in all its parts as a worthy sister of the
Council of Robbers of the year 449; with this difference, that in the
earlier Synod violence and tyranny, in the later artifice, fraud, and false-
hood were employed by wicked men to work out their wicked designs."
But when in 1870 the Vatican Council sanctioned the historical false-
hood of papal infallibility, Dollinger, once the ablest advocate of Bo-
xnanism in Germany, protested against Borne and was excommunicated.
Wliatever the Latins may say against the Synod of Photms, the Latin
Synod of 869 was not a whit better, and Borne understood the arts of
intrigue fully as well as Constantinople. The whole controversy be-
tween the Greek and the Eoman churches is one of the most humiliating
chapters in the history of Christianity, and both must humbly confess
their share of sin and guilt before a reconciliation can take place.
§ 71. Progress and Completion of the Schism. Cerufariu&.
HBBGBNEdTHEB: PHOTIUS, vol. TTLf 653-887; comp. his Kircheng&ch.
vol. L 688 sq.; 690-694. HEFELE: Condlimgesch. IV. 587; 765
sqq. ; 771, 775 sqq. GIESEUEB : IL 221 sqq.
We shall briefly sketch the progress and consolidation of the
schism.
The Difference about Teh-agamy.
The fourth marriage of the emperor Leo the Philosopher
(886-912), which was forbidden by the laws of the Greek
church, caused a great schism in the East (905).1 The Patriarch
1 Leo himself had forbidden not only tetragamy, but even trigamy. His
four wives were Theophano, Zoe (his former mistress), EuddEa, and Zoe
318 FOUETH PERIOD. A. IX 590-1049.
Nicolas Mysticns solemnly protested and was deposed (906), but
Pope Sergius IH. (904r-911), instead of siding with suffering
virtue as Pope Nicolas had done, sanctioned the fourth mar-
riage (which was not forbidden in the West) and the deposition
of the conscientious patriarch.
Leo on his death-bed restored the deposed patriarch (912).
A Synod of Constantinople in 920, at which Pope John X. was
represented, declared a fourth marriage illegal, and made no
concessions to Borne. The Emperor Constantine, Leo's son,
prohibited a fourth marriage by an edict; thereby casting a
tacit imputation on his own birth. The Greek church regards
marriage as a sacrament, and a necessary means for the propa-
gation of the race, but a second marriage is prohibited to the
clergy, a third marriage is tolerated in laymen as a sort of legal
concubinage, and a fourth is condemned as a sin and a scandal.
The pope acquiesced, and the schism slumbered during the dark
tenth century. The venal Pope John ~XTX. (1024) was ready
for an enormous sum to renounce all the claim of superiority
over the Eastern patriarchs, but was forced to break off the
negotiations when his treasonable plan was discovered.
Gervdarius and Leo IX.
Michael Cerularius (or Cserularius),1 who was patriarch from
1043 to 1059, renewed and completed the schism. Heretofore
the mutual anathemas were hurled only against the contending
heads and their party; now the churches excommunicated each
other. The Emperor Constantinus Monachus courted the
friendship of the pope for political reasons, but his patriarch
checkmated him. Cerularius, in connection with the learned
Bulgarian metropolitan Leo of Achrida, addressed in 1053 a
letter to John, bishop of Tram, in Apulia (then subject to the
Eastern role), and through him to all the bishops of France
Karbonopeyne, who in 905 bore Mm a son, Constantine Porphyrogenitus (or
Porphyrogennetos, d. 959). See Hergenrother, Phot. DDL 656 aq.
1 KvpovUpto?, probably from the Latin cenda (njpbk>$), ccriolanum, a cande-
labrum Ibr wax-tapers.
g71. PROGRESS AND COMPLETION OF THE SCHISM. 319
and to the pope himself, charging the churches of the West
that, foDowing the practice of the Jews, and contrary to the
usage of Christ, they employ in the encharist unleavened
bread; that they fast on Saturday in Lent; that they eat
blood and things strangled in violation of the decree of the
Council of Jerusalem (Acts, eh. 15) ; and that during the fast
they do not sing the hallelujah. He invented the new name
Azymites for the heresy of using unleavened bread (azyma)
instead of common bread.1 Nothing was said about the pro-
cession of the Spirit This letter is only extant in the Latin
translation of Cardinal Humbert.2
Pope Leo IX. sent three legates under the lead of the im-
perious Humbert to Constantinople, with counter-charges to the
effect that Cerularius arrogated to himself the title of " oecu-
menical " patriarch; that he wished to subject the patriarchs
of Alexandria and of Antioch ; that the Greeks rebaptized the
Latins ; that, like the .Nicolaitans, they permitted their priests
to live in wedlock;3 that they neglected to baptize iheir chil-
dren before the eighth day after birth ; that, like the Pneuma-
tomachi or Theomachi, they cut out of the symbol the Proces-
* Azyma is from aftyzof, unleavened (&W, leaven) ; hence fj loprq rov dffyww
(aprav), the feast of unleavened bread (the passover), during which the Jews were
to eat unleavened bread. The Greeks insist that our Lord in instituting the
encharist after the passover-meal used true, nourishing bread (aproc from alpa),
as the sign of the new dispensation of joy and gladness ; while the lifeless, un-
leavened bread (frfypav) belongs to the Jewish dispensation. The Latins
argued that 5/wof means unleavened as well as leavened bread, and that Christ
during the feast of the passover could not get any other but unleavened bread.
They called the Greeks in tamFermentaarei in opposition toAzymitce. See Nice-
tag Stethatus (a ootemporary of Cerularius) : De Fermentato et Asa/mis, pnhl.
in Greek by Dimitracopulos, lips. 1866 (Bip?uo&. EKI&. L 18-36), and in Greek
and Latin by Hergenrother, in Monumenta GTCKO, etc., p. 139-154. Comp.
also the Dissertation amcerning Azymea in Nealefe Eastern Church, Introd. II.
1051 sqq. ; J. G. Hermann, Hist, wncertationis de pome asa/mo et femenfato m
coma Dmtm, laps. 1737; and Hergenrother, Ptotiu* HI. 739 sqq.
'Baronius^LnnoLadann. 1053 no. 22; and Gieseler II. 222 sq.
5 "Sicut Nicolaite carnales nuptias concedunt et defend/ant tacri altari* minit-
tris.'' On the other hand, Photius and the Greeks traced to the clerical celibacy
the fiust that the West had "so many children who knew not their fathers.31
320 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
sion of the Spirit from the Son.1 The legates were lodged in
the imperial palace, but Cerularius avoided all intercourse with
them. Finally, on the 16th of July, 1054, they excommuni-
cated the patriarch and all those who should persistently censure
the faith of the church of Rome or its mode of offering the
holy sacrifice. They placed the writ on the altar of the church
of Hagia Sophia with the words : " Videat Deus etjudioet"
Cerularius, supported by his clergy and the people, imme-
diately answered by a synodical counter-anathema on the papal
legates, and accused them of fraud. In a letter to Peter, the
patriarch of Antioch (who at first acted the part of a mediator),
he charged Rome with other scandals, namely, that two brothers
were allowed to espouse two sisters; that bishops wore rings
and engaged in warfare; that baptism was administered by a
single immersion ; that salt was put in the mouth of the bap-
tized; that the images and relics of saints were not honored;
and that Gregory the Theologian, Basil, and Chrysostom were
not numbered among the saints. The Filioque was also men-
tioned.2
The charge of the martial spirit of the bishops was well
founded in that semi-barbarous age. Cerularius was all-power-
ful for several years ; he dethroned one emperor and crowned
another, but died in exile (1059).
The patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem ad-
hered to the see of Constantinople. Thus the schism between
the Christian East and West was completed. The number of
episcopal sees at that time was nearly equal on both sides, but
in the course of years the Latin church far outgrew the East.
The Latin Empire in tiie East. 1204-1261.
During the Crusades the schism was deepened by the brutal
atrocities of the French and Venetian soldiers in the pillage of
Constantinople (1204), the establishment of a Latin empire,
1 See a fall resume* of Humbert's arguments in Hergenrother, TTT. 741-756,
* See the documents in GieselerIL 225 sqq.
? 72. FEUITLESS ATTEMPTS AT REUNION. 321
and the appointment by the pope of Latin bishops in Greek
sees.1 Although this artificial empire lasted only half a century
(1204-1261), it left a legacy of burning hatred in the memories
of horrible desecrations and innumerable insults and outrages,
which the East had to endure from the Western barbarians!
Churches and monasteries were robbed and desecrated, the
Greek service mocked, the clergy persecuted, and every law of
decency set at defiance. In Constantinople "a prostitute was
seated on the throne of the patriarch; and that daughter of
Belial, as she is styled, sung and danced in the church to
ridicule the hymns and processions of the Orientals." Even
Pope Innocent III. accuses the pilgrims that they spared in
their lust neither age nor sex, nor religious profession, and that
they committed fornication, adultery, and incest in open day (in
ocdis ommitm), " abandoning matrons and virgins dedicated to
Godtothelewdnessof grooms." And yet this great pope in-
sulted the Eastern church by the establishment of a Latin hier-
archy on the ruins of the Byzantine empire.2
§ 72. JPruiUess Attempts at Reunion.
The Greek emperors, hard pressed by the terrible Turks, who
1 Cardinal Hergenrother (J&rchengeseh. 1. 903} admits that it was largely (he
ought to say, chiefly) through the guilt of the Latin conquerors (Ci grossentheil*
durch Schvld der fateinischen Eroberer") that "the hatred of the Greeks at the
conquest of Constantinople, 1204, assumed gigantic dimensions."
9 See Gibbon's graphic description (in ch. LX.) of the horrors of the sack of
Constantinople, gathered from the concurrent accounts of the French marshall
Villehardouin (who does not betray a symptom of pity or remorse) and the
Byzantine senator Nicetas (one of the sufferers). On the barbarities pre-
viously committed at Thessalonica by the Normans in 1186, see Eustathius
De capla Thessalonica (ed. Bonnes 1842, quoted by Gieseler II. 609) ; on the
barbarities in the island of Cyprus after its delivery by Richard to Guy, king
of Jerusalem, in 1192, see the anonymous account in Allatius, De ecdes. Occi-
dent, et orient, perpet* consents. 1. II. c. XIII. 693 sq* Leo Allatius was a Greek
convert to the Roman church, and found no fault with these cruelties against
the church of his fathers; on the contrary he says : " Opus era*, ejfrcenes pro-
priasgue fidei rebeUes et verfatis oppugnatores non exttio, sed ferro et igne in
saniorem mentem reducere. Eceretici prosertbendi sunt, extermnandi sunt, puniendi
sunt et pertvnaces ocddmdi, cremandi. Ita leges sandunt, tia ob&erwvti antiqutia*,
nee alius mos est recentioris eceksiae turn Graeaz turn Latina.1'
322 FOUBTH PERIOD. A. IX 590-1049.
threatened to overthrow their throne, sought from time to time
by negotiations with the pope to secure the powerful aid of the
West. But all the projects of reunion split on the rock of papal
absolutism and Greek obstinacy*
Tfie Gmncil of Lyons. A. D. 1274.1
Michael Palaeologus (1260-1282), who expelled the Latins
from Constantinople (July 25, 1261), restored the Greek
patriarchate, but entered into negotiations with Pope Urban
IV. to avert the danger of a new crusade for the reconquesfe
of Constantinople. A general council (the 14th of the Latins)
was held at Lyons in 1273 and 1274 with great solemnity and
splendor for the purpose of effecting a reunion. Five hundred
Latin bishops, seventy abbots, and about a thousand other
ecclesiastics were present, together with ambassadors from
England, France, Germany, and other countries. Palaeologus
sent a large embassy, but only three were saved from ship-
wreck, Germanus, ex-patriarch of Constantinople, Theophanes,
metropolitan of Nicsea, and the chancellor of the empire. The
pope opened the Synod (May 7, 1274) by the celebration of
high mass, and declared the threefold object of the Synod to
be : help for Jerusalem, union with the Greeks, and reform of
the church, Bonaventura preached the sermon. Thomas
Aquinas, the prince of schoolmen, who had defended the Latin
doctrine of the double procession,2 was to attend, but had died
on the journey to Lyons (March 7, 1274), in his 49th year.
The imperial delegates were treated with marked courtesy,
abjured the schism, submitted to the pope and accepted the
distinctive tenets of the Eoman church.
But the Eastern patriarchs were not represented, the people
of Constantinople abhorred the union with Rome, and the
death of the despotic Michael Palaeologus (1282) was also the
1 See a Ml accoont of it in the sbdfi volume of dele's Con<£ienge*ckicfai
p. 10a-I47.
« la his book Om*u arms Orcseonm.
2 72. FRUITLESS ATTEMPTS AT REUNION. 323
death of the Latin party, and the formal revocation of the act
of submission to the pope.
The Council at Ferrara — Florence. A. D. 1438-1439.1
Another attempt at reunion was made by John VII. Palseo-
logus in the Council of Ferrara, which was convened by Pope
Eugenius IV. in opposition to the reformatory Council of Basle.
It was afterwards transferred to Florence on account of the
plague. It was attended by the emperor, the patriarch of
Constantinople, and twenty-one Eastern prelates, among them
the learned Bessarion of Nicsea, Mark of Ephesus, Dionysius
of Sardis, Isidor of Kieff. The chief points of controversy
were discussed : the procession of the Spirit, purgatory, the use
of unleavened bread, and the supremacy of the pope.2 Bes-
sarion became a convert to the Western doctrine, and was
rewarded by a cardinal's hat He was twice near being elected
pope (d. 1472). The decree of the council, published July 6,
1439, embodies his views, and was a complete surrender to the
pope with scarcely a saving clause for the canonical rights and
privileges of the Eastern patriarchs. The Greek formula on
the procession, ex Pahre per IfiLmm, was declared to be identical
with the Latin Filioqm; the pope was acknowledged not only
as the successor of Peter and Vicar of Christ, but also as u the
head of the whole church and father and teacher of all Chris-
tians/' but with variations in the Greek texts.3 The document
of reunion was signed by the pope, the emperor, many arch-
bishops and bishops, the representatives of all the Eastern
1 See Cecconi (B. C.), Stodi storiri sd OmcUio di ffir&w (Florence 1869);
Hefele (B. C.), OfmcXieng^ voL YIL Pt. H. (1874), p. 659-761 ; B. Popoft
(Gr.), Ststory of the Council of Florence, translated from &e Sussum, ed. by J.
M. Neale (Land. 1861); Frommann (Prot.), .Xr& Betoagc mr Gesch. fa
florentin. Eirch&rvGcrdnigung (Halle, 1872).
2 On the subject of purgatory the Greeks disagreed among themselves. The
doctrine of transubstantiation was conceded, and therefore not brought under
discussion.
* Hefele (J. «. p* 741-761) gives the Latin and Greek texts with a critical
discussion. Frommann and Dollinger charge the decree with falsification.
324 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
patriarchs except that of Constantinople, who had previously
died at Florence, but had left as his last sentence a disputed
submission to the catholic and apostolic church of old Eome.
For the 'triumph of his cause the pope could easily promise
material aid to his Eastern ally, to pay the expenses of the
deputation, to support three hundred soldiers for the protection
of Constantinople, and to send, if necessary, an army and navy
for the defense of the emperor against his enemies.
But when the humiliating terms of the reunion were divulged,
the East and Russia rose in rebellion against the Latinizers as
traitors to the orthodox faith ; the compliant patriarchs openly
recanted, and the new patriarch of Constantinople, Mctrophanes,
now called in derision Metrophonus or Matricide, was forced to
resign.
After the Fall of Gonstantinopk.
The capture of Constantinople by the Mohammedan Turks
(1453) and the overthrow of the Byzantine empire put an end
to ail political schemes of reunion, but opened the way for papal
propagandism in the East. The division of the church facili-
tated that catastrophe which delivered the fairest lands to the
blasting influence of IsMm, and keeps it in power to this day,
although it is slowly waning. The Turk has no objection to
fights among the despised Christians, provided they only injure
themselves and do not touch the Koran. He is tolerant from
intolerance. The Greeks hate the pope and the Filwgue as
much as they hate the false prophet of Mecca ; while the pope
loves his own power more than the common cause of Christianity,
and would rather see the Sultan rule in the city of Constantine
than a rival patriarch or the Czar of schismatic Russia.
During the nineteenth century the schism has been intensified
by the creation of two new dogmas,— the immactilate conception
of Mary (1854) and the infallibility of the pope (1870). When
Pius IX. invited the Eastern patriarchs to attend the Vatican
Council, they indignantly refused, and renewed their old pro-
g 72. FRUITLESS ATTEMPTS AT REUNION. 325
test against the antichristian usurpation of the papacy and the
heretical Filioque. They could not submit to the Vatican
decrees without stultifying their whole history and committing
moral suicide. Papal absolutism1 and Eastern stagnation are
insuperable barriers to the reunion of the divided churches,
which can only be brought about by great events and by the
wonder-working power of the Spirit of God.
1 Or, as the modern Greeks call it, the papolatria of the Latins.
CHAPTER VL
MOHAIRS A2STD RELIGION.
§ 73. Literature.
L The chief and almost only sources for this chapter are the acts of
Synods, the lives of saints and missionaries, and the chronicles of
monasteries. The Ada Sanctorum mix facts and legends in inextri-
cable concision. The most important are the biographies of the
Irish, Scotch, and Anglo-Saxon missionaries, and the letters of
Boniface. For the history of France during the sixth and seventh
centuries we have the Mstoria Francorum by GREGORY OF TOURS,
the Herodotus of France (d. 594), first printed in Paris, 1511, better
by Euinart, 1699; best by Giesebrecht (in German), Berlin 1851,
-9th ed. 1873, 2 vols. ; and Gregorii IRstorice Epitomata by his con-
tinuator, FREDEGAR, a clergyman of Burgundy (d. about 660), ed.
by Euinart, Paris 1699, and by Abel (in German), Berlin 1849. For
the age of Charlemagne we have the Capitularies of the emperor,
and the historical works of EPSTHARP or EGICTARD (d. 840). See
Ouvres competes d? EGINABD, rtuniespour fa premiere fois et traduites
eafran$ai8, par A. Teulet, Paris 1840-'43, 2 vols. For an estimate
of these and other writers of our period comp. part of the first, and
the second vol. of AD. EBERT'S^%»». Gesch. der Lit. des Mtttelalters
im Abendfande, Leipz. 1874 and 1880.
IL HBPELE : Cbnoiliengesch. vols. IIL and IV. (from A. D. 560-1073),
revised ed. 1877 and 1879.
KEANDER: DenkwurdigTceiten aus der Geschichte des cJiristL Lebens.
3d ed. Hamburg, 1845, '46, 2 vols.
AUG. THIERRY : Recits des temps merovingiens. Paris 1855 (based on
Gregory of Tours)*
LOEBELL: Gregorvon Tours wnd seine Zett. Leipz. 1839, second ed.
1868.
MOSTOD: JEfades critiques sur lea sources de VUstoire merovingienne.
Paris 1872.
LECKY: ERstary of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne,
fifth ed. Lend. 1882, 2 vols. (part of the second vol.).
BRACE: Gesta Ghristi, N. York, third ed. 1883, p. 107 sqq.
CJomp. GTJIZOT (Protest, d. 1874) : Mstoire generate de la cimli&atum
326
274. GENERAL CHAEACTER OP MEDIEVAL MOBALS. 327
en Europe et en France depute la chute de V empire romainjusqu' a la
revolution frangaise, Paris 1830; seventh ed. 1860, 5 vols* (one vol.
on Europe in general).
BALMEZ, (a Spanish philosopher and apologist of the Eoman church, d.
1848) : El Protestantism) comparado con el Catolieismo en sus relaciones
con la dvttisacwn europea. Barcelona, 1842-44, 4 vols. The same
in French, German, and English translations. A Eoman Catholic
counterpart to Guizot.
§ 74. General Character of Hediawal Morals.
THE middle age of Western Christendom resembles the period
of the Judges in the history of Israel when " the highways were
unoccupied, and the travelers walked through by-ways/5 and
when " every man did that which was right in his own eyes."1
It was a time of civil and political commotions and upheavings,
of domestic wars and foreign invasions. Society was in a
chaotic state and bordering on the brink of anarchy. Might
was right. It was the golden age of border-ruffians, filibusters,
pirates and bold adventurers, but also of gallant knights,
genuine lieroes and judges, like Gideon, Jephthah, Samson, and
Samuel of old. It presents, in striking contrasts, Christian
virtues and heathen vices, ascetic self-denial and gross sensuality.
Nor were there wanting idyllic episodes of domestic virtue and
happiness which call to mind the charming story of Ruth from
the period of the Judges.
Upon the whole the people were more religious than moral.
Piety was often made a substitute or atonement for virtue.
Belief in the supernatural and miraculous was nnhfexsal;
scepticism and unbelief were almost unknown. Men feared
purgatory and hell, and made great sacrifices to gain heaven by
founding churches, convents, and charitable institutions. And
yet there was a frightful amount of immorality among the
rulers and the people. In the East the church had to contend
with the vices of an effete civilization and a corrupt court. In
Italy, France and Spain the old Boman vices continued and
* Camp. Judges 5: 6; 17: 6.
328 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
were even invigorated by the infusion of fresh and barbaric
blood. The history of the Merovingian rulers, as we learn from
Bishop Gregory of Tours, is a tragedy of murder, adultery, and
incest, and ends in destruction.1
The church was unfavorably affected by the state of sur-
rounding society, and often drawn into the current of prevailing
immorality. Yet, upon the whole, she was a powerful barrier
against vice, and the chief, if not the only promoter of educa-
tion, virtue and piety in the dark ages. From barbaric and
semi-barbaric material she had to build up the temple of a
Christian civilization. She taught the new converts the Apos-
tles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments —
the best popular summaries of faith, piety, and duty. She
taught them also the occupations of peaceful life. She restrained
vice and encouraged virtue. The synodical legislation was
nearly always in the right direction. Great stress was laid on
prayer and fasting, on acts of hospitality, charity, and benevo-
lence, and on pilgrimages to sacred places. The regards of
heaven entered largely as an inducement for leading a virtuous
and holy life; but it is far better that people should be good
from fear of hell and love of heaven, than ruin themselves by
immorality and vice.
A vast amount of private virtue and piety is never recorded
on the pages of history, and is spent in modest retirement. So
the wild flowers in the woods and on the mountains bloom
and fade away unseen by human eyes. Every now and then
incidental allusion is made to unknown saints. Pope Gre-
gory mentions a certain Servulus in Rome who was a poor
cripple from childhood, but found rich comfort and peace in
the Bible, although he could not read himself, and had to ask
pious friends to read it to him while he was lying on his couch ;
1 * It would be difficult," says Gibbon of tbis period, " to find anywhere more
vice or less virtue." The judgments of Hallam, Milman, and Lecky are to
the same effect Compare also the description of Montalembert, quoted above,
p. 82 sq.
{74. GENEEAL CHARACTER OF MEDIAEVAL MORALS. 329
he never complained, but was full of gratitude and praise;
when death drew near he requested his friends to sing psalms
with him ; then stopped suddenly and expired with the words :
" Peace, hear ye not the praises of God sounding from heaven ? "
This man's life of patient suffering was not in vain, but a
benediction to many who came in contact with it " Those also
serve who only stand and wait."
The moral condition of the middle age varied considerably.
The migration of nations was most unfavorable to the peaceful
work of the church. Then came the bright reign of Charle-
magne with his noble efforts for education and religion, but it
was soon followed, under his weak successors, by another period
of darkness which grew worse and worse till a moral reforma-
tion began in the convent of Cluny, and reached the papal chair
under the lead of Hildebrand.
Yet if we judge by the number of saints in the Eoman
Calendar, the seventh century, which is among the.darkest, was
more pious than any of the preceding and succeeding centuries,
except the third and fourth (which are enriched by the martyrs).
KOTES.
The following is the table of saints in the Eoman Calendar (accord-
ing to Alban Butler's Lives of the Saints) : SADSTTS.
First Century 53
Second Century 43
Third Century..... 139
Fourth Century 213
Fifth Century 130
Sixth Century 123
Seventh Century 174
Eighth Century : 78
Ninth Century 49
Tenth Century 28
Eleventh Century 45
Twelfth Century 54
Thirteenth Century 49
Fourteenth Century 27
Fifteenth Century 17
330 FOUBTH PERIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
SAI3STTS.
Sixteenth Century 24
Seventeenth Century 15
Eighteenth Century 20
In the first centuries the numerous but nameless martyrs of the Nero-
nian and other persecutions are not separately counted. The Holy
Innocents, the Seven Sleepers (in the third century), the Forty Martyrs
of Sebaste (fourth century,) and other groups of martyrs are counted
only one each. Lecky asserts too confidently that the seventh century
was the most prolific in saints, and yet the most immoral. It is strange
that the number of saints should have declined from the seventh century,
while the church increased, and that the eighteenth century of infidelity
should have produced five more saints than the seventeenth century. It
would therefore be very unsafe to make this table the basis for general
estimates.
§ 75. Clerical Morals.
1. SOCIAL PosmoK. The clergy stood, during the middle
ages, at the head of society, and shared with kings and nobles
the rule of the people. They had the guardianship of the
souls and consciences of men, and handled the keys of the
kingdom of heaven. They possessed nearly all the learning,
but it was generally very limited, and confined to a little Latin
without any Greek. Some priests descended from noble and even
royal blood, others from slaves who belonged to monasteries.
They enjoyed many immunities from public burdens, as military
luiy and taxation. Charlemagne and his successors granted to
them all the privileges which the Eastern emperors from the
time of Constantine had bestowed upon them. They could not
be sued before a civil court, and had their own episcopal tri-
bunals. No lay judge could apprehend or punish an ecclesiastic
without the permission of his bishop.
They were supported by the income from landed estates,
cathedral funds, and the annual tithes which were enacted after
the precedent of the Mosaic law. Pepin, by a decree of 764,
imposed the payment of tithes upon all the royal possessions.
Charlemagne extended it to all lands, and made the obligation
general by a capitulary in 779. The tithes were regarded as
575. CLEEICAL MOEALS. 331
the minimum contribution for the maintenance of religion and
the support of the poor. They were generally paid to the
bishop, as the administrator of all ecclesiastical goods. Many
nobles had their own domestic chaplains who depended on their
lords, and were often employed in degrading offices, as waiting
at table and attending to horses and hounds.
2. MOBALS. The priests were expected to excel in virtue
as well as in education, and to commend their profession by an
exemplary life. Upon the whole they were superior to their
flock, but not unfrequently they disgraced their profession by
scandalous immorality. According to ancient discipline every
priest at his ordination was connected with a particular church,
except missionaries to heathen lands. But many priests defied
the laws, and led an irregular wandering life as clerical tramps.
They were forbidden to wear the sword, but many a bishop lost
his life on the battle field, and even some popes engaged in
warfare. Drunkenness and licentiousness were common vices.
Gregory of Tours mentions a bishop named Cautinus who,
when intoxicated, had to be carried by four men from the table.
Boniface gives a very unfavorable but partizan account of the
French and German clergymen who acted independently of
Rome. The acts of Synods are full of censures and punish-
ments of clerical sins and vices. They legislated against forni-
cation, intemperance, avarice, the habits of hunting, of visiting
horse-races and theatres, and enjoined even corporal punish-
ments.1
Clerical immorality reached the lowest depth in the tenth and
eleventh centuries, when Rome was a sink of iniquity, and the
popes themselves set the worst example. But a new reform
began with the Hildebrandian popes.
1 It seems incredible that there should have been an occasion for legislation
against clergymen keeping houses of prostitution ; and yet the Qninisexta ot
Trullan Synod of 692 enacted the canon: "He who keeps a brothel, if a
clergyman, shall be deposed and excommunicated j if a layman, ezcommnni*
cated." Hefele IIL 34L
332 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049
3. CANONICAL LIFE. Chrodegang, bishop of Metz (A. D.
760), reformed the clergy by introducing, or reviving, after the
example of St. Augustin, the "canonical" or semi-monastic
life. The bishop and lower clergymen lived in the same house,
near the cathedral, ate at the same table, prayed and studied
together, like a family of monks, only differing from them in
dress and the right of holding property or receiving fees for
official services. Such an establishment was called Chapter?
and the members of it were called Canons?
The example was imitated in other places. Charlemagne
made the canonical life obligatory on all bishops as far as pos-
sible. Many chapters were liberally endowed. But during the
civil commotions of the Carolingians the canonical life degener-
ated or was broken up.
4. CELIBACY. In the East the lower clergy were always
allowed to marry, and only a second marriage is forbidden. In
the West celibacy was the prescribed rule, but most clergymen
lived either with lawful wives or with concubines. In Milan
all the priests and deacons were married in the middle of the
eleventh century, but to the disgust of the severe moralists of
the time.3 Hadrian II. was married before he became pope,
and had a daughter, who was murdered by her husband,
together with the pope's wife, Stephania (868).* The wicked
pope Benedict IX. sued for the daughter of his cousin, who
consented on condition that he resign the papacy (1033).5 The
Hildebrandian popes, Leo IX. and Nicolas II., made attempts
1 Capitulum, from the chapter of the Bible or of the monastic rales which
were read in common every day. The name was applied both to the clerical
brotherhood and to their habitation (chapter-house). The plural, Capitula or
OapiMaria designates codes of law ecclesiastical or civil, digested under chap-
ters. See Martene, De Antiqu. Ecd. Ritibus, 1. IV. c. VI. \ 4, and Haddan in
Smith and Cheetham, I. 347.
2 Oanomdj either because they were bound by canons, or enrolled on the
lists of ecclesiastical officers. They occupied an intermediate position between
the secular clergy and the monks. See Bu Cange, and Smith and Cheetham,
sub Canonid.
§76. DOMESTIC LIFE. * 333
to enforce clerical celibacy all over the West. They identified
the interests of clerical morality and influence with clerical
celibacy, and endeavored to destroy natural immorality by en-
forcing unnatural morality. How far Gregory YIL succeeded
in this part of his reform, will be seen in the next period.
§ 76. DomestiG Life.
The purity and happiness of home-life depend on the position
of woman, who is the beating heart of the household. Female
degradation was one of the weakest spots in the old Greek and
Roman civilization. The church, in counteracting the prevailing
evil, ran into the opposite extreme of ascetic excess as a radical
cure. Instead of concentrating her strength on the purification
and elevation of the family, she recommended lonely celibacy
as a higher degree of holiness and a safer way to heaven.
Among the "Western and Northern barbarians she found a
more favorable soil for the cultivation of Christian family life.
The contrast which the heathen historian Tacitus and the
Christian monk Salvian draw between the chastity of the
Teutonic barbarians and the licentiousness of the Latin races
is overdrawn for effect, but not without foundation. The Ger-
man and Scandinavian tribes had an instinctive reverence for
the female sex, as being inspired by a divinity, possessed of the
prophetic gift, and endowed with secret charms. Their women
shared the labors and dangers of men, emboldened them in their
fierce battles, and would rather commit suicide than submit to
dishonor. Yet the wife was entirely in the power of her hus-
band, and could be bought, sold, beaten, and killed.
The Christian religion preserved and strengthened the noble
traits, and developed them into the virtues of chivalry ; while
it diminished or abolished evil customs and practices. The
Synods often deal with marriage and divorce. Polygamy,
concubinage, secret marriages, marriages with near relatives,
mixed marriages with heathens or Jews or heretics were fbr-
bidden; the marriage tie was declared sacred and indissoluble
334 FOURTH PERIOD. A.D, 590-1049.
(except by adultery); sexual intemperance restrained and
forbidden on Sundays and during Lent; the personal inde-
pendence of woman and her rights of property were advanced.
The Virgin Mary was constantly held up to the imagination as
the incarnation of female purity and devotion. Not unfre-
quently, however, marriages were dissolved by mutual consent
from mistaken ascetic piety. When a married layman entered
the priesthood or a convent, he usually forsook his wife. In a
Roman Synod of 827 such separation was made subject to the
approval of the bishop. A Synod of Bouen, 1072, forbade
husbands whose wives had taken the veil, to marry another.
Wives whose husbands had disappeared were forbidden by the
same Synod to marry until the fact of death was made certain.1
Upon the whole, the synodieal legislation on the subject of
marriage was wise, timely, restraining, purifying, and ennobling
in its eflect. The purest and brightest chapter in the history
of Pope Nicolas I. is his protection of injured innocence in
the person of the divorced wife of Xing Lothair of Lorraine.2
See the Lit. in vol. L 2 48 (p. 4M), and in vol. H 1 97 (p. 347). Oomp.
also BAliMES (R. C.) : Protestantism and Catholidsm compared in their
effects on the Civilization of Europe. Tsansl. from the Spanish.
Baltimore 1851, Ohs. xv.-xix. BSACE : Gesta Chrisfi, Ch. xxi.
History is a slow but steady progress of emancipation from
the chains which sin has forged. The institution of slavery
wa? universal in Europe during the middle ages among bar-
barians as well as among civilized nations. It was kept up by
natural increase, by war, and by the slave-trade which was
carried on in Europe more or less till the fifteenth century, and
in America till the eighteenth. Not a few freemen sold them-
selves into slavery for debt, or from poverty. The slaves were
completely under the power of their masters, and had no claim
1 For all these details see the scattered notices in vols. ILL and IV. of
Hefele.
* See \ 61, p. 275 B*
177. SLAVEEY. 335
beyond the satisfaction of their physical wants. They conld
not bear witness in courts of justice. They could be bought
and sold with their children like other property. The marriage
tie was disregarded, and marriages between freemen and slaves
were null and void. In the course of time slavery was moder-
ated into serfdom, which was attached to the soil. Small
farmers often preferred that condition to freedom, as it secured
them the protection of a powerful nobleman against robbers and
invaders. The condition of the serfs, however, during the
middle ages was little better than that of slaves, and gave rise
to occasional outbursts in the Peasant Wars, which occurred
mostly in connection with the free preaching of the Gospel (as
by Wiclif and the Lollards in England, and by Luther in
Germany), but which were suppressed by force, and in their
immediate effects increased the burdens of the dependent classes.
The same struggle between capital and labor is still going on in
different forms.
The mediaeval church inherited the patristic views of slavery.
She regarded it as a necessary evil, as a legal right based on
moral wrong, as a consequence of sin and a just punishment for
it. She put it in the same category with war, violence, pesti-
lence, famine, and other evils. St. Augustin, the greatest
theological authority of the Latin church, treats slavery as a
disturbance of the normal condition and relation. God did
not, he says, establish the dominion of man over man, but only
over the brute. He derives the word servus, as usual, from
seroare (to save the life of captives of war doomed to death),
but cannot find it in the Bible till the time of the righteous
Noah, who gave it as a punishment to his guilty son Ham ;
whence it follows that the word came "from sin, not from
nature." He also holds that the institution will finally be
abolished when all iniquity shall disappear, and God shall be
all in all.1
1 De Qwto. Dei, L XELc.15. "Nomen [aerww] cudpa meruit, nan naXwa. . .
Prima wrmtutfo causa peccatum est, ut homo homni conditwnis vincuU) subderetor.
336 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
The church exerted her great moral power not so much
towards the abolition of slavery as the amelioration and re-
moval of the evils connected with it Many provincial Synods
dealt with the subject, at least incidentally. The legal right of
holding slaves was never called in question, and slaveholders
were in good and regular standing. Even convents held slaves,
though in glaring inconsistency with their professed principle
of equality and brotherhood. Pope Gregory the Great, one of
the most humane of the popes, presented bondservants from his
own estates to convents, and exerted all his influence to recover
a fugitive slave of his brother.1 A reform Synod of Pavia,
over which Pope Benedict VIII., one of the forerunners of
Hildebrand, presided (A. D. 1018), enacted that sons and daugh-
ters of clergymen, whether from free-women or slaves, whether
from legal wives or concubines, are the property of the church,
and should never be emancipated.2 No pope has ever declared
slavery incompatible with Christianity. The church was
strongly conservative, and never encouraged a revolutionary or
radical movement looking towards universal emancipation.
But, on the other hand, the Christian spirit worked silently,
steadily and irresistibly in the direction of emancipation.
nonfuit nisi Deo judicante, a/pud quern, non est iniquitas" . . . He thinks it
will continue with the duties prescribed by the apostles, donee transeat iniquitax,
^ewzei^rowim&priTi^ tmnia in omnibus'9
Chrysostom taught substantially the same views, and derived from the sin of
Adam a threefold servitude and a threefold tyranny, that of the husband over
the wife, the master over the slave, and the state over the subjects. Thomas
Aquinas, the greatest of the schoolmen, "did not see in slavery either differ-
ence of race or imaginary inferiority or means of government, hut only a
scourge inflicted on humanity by the sing of the first man" (Balmes, p. 112).
But none of these great men seems to have had an idea that slavery would ever
disappear from the earth except with sin itself, Cessante causa, cessat efectus.
See voL HI. 115-121.
1 Epist. X. 66; IX. 102. See these and other passages in Overbeck, Vet-
hdltniss der alten Exrcke mr Skfawsrd, in his "Studien zur Gesch. der alten
Kirche" (1875) p. 211 sq. Overbeck, however, dwells too much on the pro-
elavery sentiments of the fathers, and underrates the merits of the church for
the final abolition of slavery.
» Hefele IV. 670.
§77. SLAVERY. 337
The church, as the organ of that spirit, proclaimed ideas and
principles which, in their legitimate working, must root out
ultimately both slavery and tyranny, and bring in a reign of
freedom, love, and peace. She humbled the master and elevated
the slave, and reminded both of their common origin and des-
tiny. She enjoined in all her teaching the gentle and humane
treatment of slaves, and enforced it by the all-powerful motives
derived from the love of Christ, the common redemption and
moral brotherhood of men. She opened her houses of worship
as asylums to fugitive slaves, and surrendered them to their
masters only on promise of pardon.1 She protected the freed-
men in the enjoyment of their liberty. She educated sons of
slaves for the priesthood, with the permission of their masters,
but required emancipation before ordination.2 Marriages of
freemen with slaves were declared valid if concluded with the
knowledge of the condition of the latter.3 Skves could not be
forced to labor on Sundays. This was a most important and
humane protection of the right to rest and worship.4 No
Christian was permitted by the laws of the church to sell a
slave to foreign lands, or to a Jew or heathen. Gregory I.
prohibited the Jews within the papal jurisdiction to keep Chris-
tian slaves, which he considered an outrage upon the Christian
name. Nevertheless even clergymen sometimes sold Christian
1 Synod of Olermont, A. D. 549. Hefele ILL 5 ; comp. II. 662.
* Fifth Synod of Orleans, 549; Synod of Aachen, 789; Synod of Francfurt,
794. See Hefele JIL 3, 666, 691. If ordination took place without the mas-
ter's consent, he could reclaim the slave from the ranks of the clergy. Hefele
IV. 26.
* Hefele HI. 574, 575, 611. The first example was set hy Pope Callistng
(218-228), who was himself formerly a slaye, and gave the sanction of the
Eoman church to marriages between free Christian ladies and slaves or low-
born men. Hippolytns, Ihilosoph. IX. 12 (p. 460 ed. Duncker and Schneide-
win). This was contrary to Eoman law, and disapproved even hy Hippolytus.
* The 16th Synod of Toledo, 693, passed the following canon: "If a slave
works on Sunday hy command of his master, the slave becomes 'free, and the
master is punished to pay 30 solidi. If the slave works on Sunday without
command of his master, he is whipped or must pay fine for his skin. If a
freeman works on Sunday, he loses his liberty or must pay 60 solidi ; a priest
has to pay double the amount1' Hefele UL 349 ; comp. p. 355.
338 FOUETH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
slaves to Jews. The tenth Council of Toledo (656 or 657)
complains of this practice, protests against it with Bible pas-
sages, and reminds the Christians that "the slaves were re-
deemed by the blood of Christ, and that Christians should
rather buy than sell them."1 Individual emancipation was
constantly encouraged as a meritorious work of charity well
pleasing to God, and was made a solemn act. The master led
the slave with a torch around the altar, and with his hands on
the altar pronounced the act of liberation in such words as
these : " For fear of Almighty God, and for the cure of my
soul I liberate thee;" or: "In the name and for the love of
God I do free this slave from the bonds of slavery."
Occasionally a feeble voice was raised against the institution
itself, especially from monks who were opposed to all worldly
possession, and felt the great inconsistency of convents holding
slave-properiy. Theodore of the Studium forbade his convent
to do this, but on the ground that secular possessions and mar-
riage were proper only for laymen.2 A Synod of Chalons,
held between 644 and 650, at which thirty-eight bishops and
six episcopal representatives were present, prohibited the selling
of Christian slaves outside of the kingdom of Clovis, from fear
that they might fall into the power of pagans or Jews, and he
introduces this decree with the significant words : " The highest
piety and religion demand that Christians should be redeemed
entirely from the bond of servitude/' s By limiting the power
of sale, slave-properfy was raised above ordinary property, and
this was a step towards abolishing this property itself by legiti-
mate means.
Under the combined influences of Christianity, civilization,
and oeconomic and political considerations, the slave trade was
forbidden, and slavery gradually changed into serfdom, and
* Hefde m. 103 ; comp. IV. 70. Balmes, p. 108.
* Overbeck, L c., p. 219.
3 Gone. Cabilonense, can. 9: "Pietatis est maxima et rdigivnis infaitus, ut
captwitatis mncfdum omnino a Chrislianis redimatur." The date of the Council
is uncertain, see Mansi, Cone. X. 1198 ; Hefele, III. 92.
? 78. FEUDS AND PRIVATE WAES. 339
finally abolished all over Europe and North America. Where
the spirit of Christ is there is liberty.
NOTES.
In Europe serfdom continued till the eighteenth century, in Russia even till
1861, when it was abolished by the Czar Alexander II. In the United States,
the freest country in the world, strange to say, negro slavery flourished and
waxed fat under the powerful protection of the federal constitution, the fugitive
slave-law, the Southern state-laws, and "King Cotton," until it went out in
blood (1861-65) at a cost far exceeding the most liberal compensation which
Congress might and ought to have made for a peaceful emancipation. But
passion ruled over reason, self-interest over justice, and politics over morals
and religion. Slavery still lingers in nominally Christian countries of South
America, and is kept up with the accursed slave-trade under Mohammedan,
rule in Africa, but is doomed to disappear from the bounds of civilization.
§ 78. Feuds and Private Wars. The Truce of God.
A. KLTTCKHOHN : Geschichte des Gottesfriedens. Leipzig 1857.
HENRY (X LEA : Superstition and Force. Essays on the Wager of Law —
the Wager of BattU^the Ordeal— Torture. Phila. 1866 (407 pages).
Among all barbarians, individual injury is at once re-
venged on the person of the enemy; and the family or tribe to
which the parties belong identify themselves with the quarrel
till the thirst for blood is satiated. Hence the feuds1 and pri-
vate wars, or deadly quarrels between families and clans. The
same custom of self-help and unbridled passion prevails among
the Mohammedan Arabs to this day.
The influence of Christianity was to confine the responsibility
for a crime to its author, and to substitute orderly legal process
for summary private vengeance. The sixteenth Synod of Toledo
(693) forbade duels and private feuds.2 The Synod of Poitiers,
A. D. 1000, resolved that all controversies should hereafter be
adjusted by law and not by force.3 The belligerent individuals
1 Saxon Fa&fh, or FasgU, Danish fdde, Dutch veede, German Fehde, lowLatin
fcada or faidia. Compare the German Fdnd, the English fend. Du Gauge
defines /awfa : " Grams et aperfa inimicitia ob coedem diquasn suseepta, and refers.
to his dissertation De Privatis Betiis.
» Hefele HI. 340, * IV. 655, 689.
340 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
or tribes were exhorted to reconciliation by a sealed agreement,
and the party which broke the peace was excommunicated. A
Synod of Limoges in 1031 used even the more terrible punish-
ment of the interdict against the bloody feuds.
These sporadic efforts prepared the way for one of the most
benevolent institutions of the middle ages, the so-called "Peace "
or " Truce of God/7 * It arose in Aquitania in France during
or soon after a terrible famine in 1033, which increased the
number of murders (even for the satisfaction of hunger) and
inflicted untold misery upon the people. Then the bishops and
abbots, as if movfed by divine inspiration (hence "the Peace of
God"), united in the resolution that all feuds should cease from
Wednesday evening till Monday morning (afenos quartce vespera
usque ad se<wndamfe)«iam, indpiente luce) on pain of excommuni-
cation.2 In 1041 the archbishop Eaimbald of Aries, the bishops
Benedict of Avignon and Nitard of Nice, and the abbot Odilo
of Clugny issued in their name and in the name of the French
episcopate an encyclical letter to the Italian bishops and clergy,
in which they solemnly implore them to keep the heaven-sent
Treuga Dei, already introduced in Gaul, namely, to observe peace
1 Treuga. Dei, Gottesfriede. See Da Cange sub. " ZVm, Treuga, sen Tretw
_Dei " The word occurs in several languages (tr&uga, tregoa, trauva, tr&ua, fr&xj).
It comes from the same root as the German freu, Treue, and the English true,
troth, truce, and signifies a pledge of faith, given for a time to an enemy for
keeping peace.
2 Eoduli Glaber, a monk of Cluny, gives a graphic account of this famine
and the origin of the Peace movement, in his Hist&ria wi Temporis* lib. IV.
c. 4 and 5 (in Migne's Patrol Tom. 142, fol. 675-679). Hefele, IV/698, traces
the movement to Provence and to the year 1040 with a "perhaps," but Eodulf
Glaber makes it begin " in Aquitanice partibus anno incarnati Christi mfllesimo
tricesimo tertio," from whence it spread rapidly "per Ardatensem provineiam,
atgue Lugdunensem, sLcqm per universam Burgwndiam^ atque in uUimas Francia
paries" (Migne, L c. fol 678). Comp. lib. V. 1 (foL 693) : "primitos in partibus
Aquitanicis, delude pavlatim per universum GaHiarum, territorium" etc. He also
reports that the introduction of the Peace was blessed by innumerable cures
and a bountiful harvest. "JSrat insfar ittius antiqui Mosaici magni Jubftoei."
Balderich, in his Chronicle of the Bishops of Cambray, reports that in one of
the French synods a bishop showed a letter which fell from heaven and ex-
horted to peace. The bishop of Cambray, however, dissented because he
thought the resolution could not be carried out
S79. THE ORDEAL. 341
between neighbors, friends or foes on four days of the week,
namely, on Thursday, on account of Christ's ascension, on
Friday on account of his crucifixion, on Saturday in inemorv of
his burial, on Sunday in memory of his resurrection. They
' add: "All who love this Trciiga Dei we bless and absolve;
but those who oppose it we anathematize and exclude from the
church. He who punishes a disturber of the Peace of God
shall be acquitted of guilt and blessed by all Christians as a
champion of the cause of God."
The peace-movement spread through all Burgundy and
France, and was sanctioned by the Synods of Jfarbonne (1054),
Gerundum in Spain (1068), Toulouse (1068), Troyes (1093),
Eouen (1096), Rheims (1136), the Lateran (1139 and 1179), etc.
The Synod of Clermont (1095), under the lead of Pope Urban
II., made the Truce of God the general law of the church.
The time of the Truce was extended to the whole period from
the first of Advent to Epiphany, from Ash Wednesday to the
close of the Easter week, and from Ascension to the close of
the week of Pentecost; also to the various festivals and their
vigils. The Truce was announced by the ringing of bells.1
§ 79. The Ordeal.
GMMM: Deutsche JRechtsatterthumer, Gottingen 1828, p. 908 sqq. HJL-
DENBRAOT): Die Purgatio canonica et vulgaris, Munchen 1841.
UNGBB : Der g&ricMicfie Zweikampf, Gottingen 1847. PHILIPPS :
Ueber die Ordalien, Mtinchen 1847. DAHN: Studienzur Gesch. der
germ. Gottesurtheile, Munchen 1867. PFALZ: Die german. Ordalien,
Leipz. 1865. HEITBY C. LEA : Superstition and Force, Philad. 1866,
p. 175-280. (I have especially used Lea, who gives ample authori-
ties for his statements.) For synodical legislation on ordeals see
HEFELE, vols. in. and IV.
Another heathen custom with which the church had to deal,
is the so-called JUDGMENT OF GOB or OKDEAL, that is, a trial
1 See farther details in Mansi XIX. 549 sq. ; Kluckhohn; Hefele (IV. 696-
70% 780) ; and Mejer in Henrog' V. 319 sqq.
342 FOUETH PEEIOD. A. D. 590-1041.
of guilt or innocence by a direct appeal to God through nature.1
It prevailed in China, Japan, India, Egypt (to a less exteiit in
Greece and Home), and among the barbaric races throughout
Europe.2
The ordeal reverses the correct principle that a man must be
held to be innocent until he is proved to be guilty, and throws
the burden of proof upon the accused instead of the accuser.
It is based on the superstitious and presumptuous belief that
the divine Euler of the universe will at any time work a
miracle for the vindication of justice when man in his weakness
cannot decide, and chooses to relieve himself of responsibility
by calling heaven to his aid. In the Carlovingian Capitularies
the following passage occurs : " Let doubtful cases be determined
by the judgment of God. The judges may decide that which
they clearly know, but that which they cannot know shall be re-
served for the divine judgment. He whom God has reserved for
his own judgment may not be condemned by human means."
The customary ordeals in the middle ages were water-ordeals
and fire-ordeals; the former were deemed plebeian, the latter
(as well as the duel), patrician. The one called to mind the
punishment of the deluge and of Pharaoh in the Red Sea; the
other, the future punishment of hell. The water-ordeals were
either by hot water,3 or by cold water;4 the fire-ordeals were
1 From the Anglo-Saxon ordad or ordda (from or=wr, and dcd=stheU) -
German: UrtheU or Gotteswrthett ; Dutch: oorded; French: ord&d; L. Lat.;
ordalium, ordak, ordela. See Du Cange sub. ordela, aqua frigidce judidum,
Dudlvm, Ferrum candens; Skeat (Etymol. Did. of the Engl Leung.) sub.DeoJ.
* See the proof in Lea, who finds in the wide prevalence of this custom a
confirmation of the common origin of the Aryan or Indo-germanic races.
8 Judidum aquas fervemtis, ceneum, cacabus, caldaria. This is probably the
oldest form in Europe. See Lea, p. 196. It is usually referred to in the most
ancient texts of law, and especially recommended by Hincmar of Eheims, as
combining the elements of water — the judgment of the deluge — and of fire —
the judgment of the last day. The accused was obliged, with his naked arm*
to find a small stone or ring in a boiling caldron of water (this was called in
German the Kesselfang), or simply to throw the hand to the wrist or to the
elbow into boiling water. See Lea, p. 196 sqq.
* Judiciiun aqucefrigidos. It was not known in Europe before Pope Eugenius
g 79. THE ORDEAI* 343
either by hot iron/ or by pure fire.2 The person accused or
suspected of a crime was exposed to the danger of death or
serious injury by one of these elements : if he escaped unhurt —
if he plunged his arm to the elbow into boiling water, or walked
barefoot upon heated plough-shares, or held a burning ball of
II. (824-827), who seems to have introduced it. The accused was bound with
cords, and lowered with a rope into a reservoir or pond, with the prayer (St.
Dunstan's formula) : *'Let not the "water receive the body of him who, released
from the weight of goodness, is upborne by the wind of iniquity." It was
supposed that the pure element would not receive a criminal into its bosom.
It required therefore in this case a miracle to convict the accused, as in the
natural order of things he would escape. Lea (p. 221) relates this instance
from a MS. in the British Museum : *4 In 1083, during the deadly struggle
between the Empire and the Papacy, as personified in Henry IV, and Hiide-
brand, the imperialists related with great delight that some of the leading
prelates of the papal court submitted the cause of their chief to this ordeal.
After a three days' fast, and proper benediction of the water, they placed in it
a boy to represent the Emperor, when to their horror he sank like a stone.
On referring the result to Hildebrand, he ordered a repetition of the experi-
ment, which was attended with the same result Then, throwing him in, as a
representative of the Pope, he obstinately floated during two trials, in spite of
all efforts to force him under the surface, and an oath was exacted from them
to maintain inviolable secrecy as to the unexpected result" James I. of
England was a strict believer in this ordeal, and thought that the pure element
would never receive those who had desecrated the privileges of holy baptism.
Even as late as 1836, an old woman, reputed to be a witch, was twice plunged
into the sea at Hela, near Danzig, and as she persisted in rising to the surface,
she was pronounced guilty and beaten to death. See Lea, p. 228 and 229.
1 Judicium ferri or fern candentis. A favorite mode, administered in two
different forms, the one by six or twelve red-hot plough-shares (wmeres igniti),
over which the person had to walk bare-footed; the other by a piece of red-
hot iron, which he had to carry for a distance of nine feet or more. See Lea,
p. 201 sq.
* The accused had to stretch his hand into a fire ; hence the French proverb-
ial expression : tlj'en mettrais la main au feu," as an affirmation of positive
belief. Sometimes he had to walk bare-legged and bare-footed through the
flames of huge pyres. Petrus Igneus gained his reputation and surname by
an exploit of this kind. See examples in Lea, p. 209 sqq. Savonarola pro-
<posed this ordeal in 1498 to his enemies in proof of his assertion that the
church needed a thorough reformation, and that his excommunication by Pope
Alexander VI, was null and void, but he shrunk from the trial, lo*t his cause,
and was hanged and burned after undergoing frightful tortures. He had not
the courage of Hu<* at Constance, or Luther at Worms, and his attempted re*
formation left nothing but a tragic memory.
344 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
iron in his hand, without injury, he was supposed to be declared
innocent by a miraculous interposition of God, and discharged ;
otherwise he was punished.
To the ordeals belongs also the judicial duel or battle ordeal.
It was based on the old superstition that God always gives vic-
tory to the innocent1 It was usually allowed only to freemen.
Aged and sick persons, women, children, and ecclesiastics could
furnish substitutes, but not always. Mediaeval panegyrists
trace the judicial duel back to Cain and Abel. It prevailed
among the ancient Danes, Irish, Burgundians, Franks, and
Lombards, but was unknown among the Anglo-Saxons before
William the Conqueror, who introduced it into England. It
was used also in international litigation. The custom died out
in the sixteenth century.2
The mediaeval church, with her strong belief in the miracu-
lous, could not and did not generally oppose the ordeal, but she
baptized it and made it a powerful means to enforce her authority
over the ignorant and superstitious people she had to deal with.
Several councils at Mainz in 880, at Tribur on the Rhine in
895, at Tours in 925, at Mainz in 1065, at Auch in 1068, at
Grau in 1099, recognized and recommended it; the clergy,
bishops, and archbishops, as Hincmar of Rheims, and Burck-
hardt^of Worms, and even popes like Gregory VII. and
Calixtus II. lent it their influence. St. Bernard approved of
the cold-water process for the conviction of heretics, and St.
Ivo of Chartres admitted that the incredulity of mankind
sometimes required an appeal to the verdict of Heaven, though
1 Tacitus (German, cap. 7) reports of the heathen Germans: "[Deim]
adesse bdlantibus credwnt."
9 See Lea, p. 75-174. The wager of battle, as a judicial institution, must
not be confounded with the private duel which has been more or less cus-
tomary among all races and in all ages, and still survives as a relic of bar-
barism, though misnamed ''the satisfaction of a gentleman/' The judicial
duel aims at the discovery of tratli and the impartial administration of justice,
while the object of the private duel is personal vengeance and reparation of
honor.
2 79. THE OEDEAL. 345
such appeals were not commanded by the law of God. As late
as 1215 the ferocious inquisitor Conrad of Marburg freely used
the hot iron against eighty persons in Strassburg alone who
were suspected of the Albigensian heresy. The clergy pre-
pared the combatants by fasting and prayer, and special liturgi-
cal formulas ; they presided over the trial and pronounced the
sentence. Sometimes fraud was practiced, and bribes offered and
taken to divert the course of justice. Gregory of Tours men-
tions the case of a deacon who, in a conflict with an Arian
priest, anointed his arm before he stretched it into the boiling
caldron; the Arian discovered the trick, charged him with
using magic arts, and declared the trial null and void; but a
Catholic priest, Jacintus from Ravenna, stepped forward, and
by catching the ring from the bubbling caldron, triumphantly
vindicated the orthodox faith to the admiring multitude, de-
claring that the water felt cold at the bottom and agreeably
warm at the top. When the Arian boldly repeated the experi-
ment, his flesh was boiled off the bones up to the elbow.1
The Church even invented and substituted new ordeals,
which were less painful and crud than the old heathen forms,
but shockingly profane according to our notions. Profanity
and superstition are closely allied. These new methods are
the ordeal of the cross, and the ordeal of the eucharist. They
were especially used by ecclesiastics.
The ordeal of the cross2 is simply a trial of physical strength.
The plaintiff and the defendant, after appropriate religious cere-
monies, stood with uplifted arm before a cross while divine
service was performed, and victory depended on the length of
endurance. Pepin first prescribed this trial, by a Capitulary of
752, in cases of application by a wife for divorce. Charte-
* De Gloria Martyrwn L 81. Lea, p. 198.
1 Jktdiciwn cnusis, or store ad crucem, J&euseaprobe. A modification of it was
the trial of standing with the arms extended in the form of a cross. In this
way St. Lioba, abbess of Bischoffeheim, vindicated the honor of her convent
against the charge of impurity when a new-born child was drowned In the
neighborhood. Lea, p. 231.
346 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
magiie prescribed it in cases of territorial disputes which might
arise between his sons (806). But Louis-le-D£bonnaire, soon
after the death of Charlemagne, forbade its continuance at a
Council of Aix-la-Chapelle in 816, because this abuse of the
cross tended to bring the Christian symbol into contempt. His
son, the Emperor Lothair, renewed the prohibition. A trace
of this ordeal is left in the proverbial allusion to an experimentum
enteis.
A still worse profanation was the ordeal of consecrated bread
in the eucharist with the awful adjuration : " May this body
and blood of* our Lord Jesus Christ be a judgment to thee this
day."1 It was enjoined by a Synod of Worms, in 868, upon
bishops and priests who were accused of a capital crime, such as
murder, adultery, theft, sorcery. It was employed by Cautinus,
bishop of Auvergne, at the close of the sixth century, who
administered the sacrament to a Count Eulalius, accused of
patricide, and acquitted him after he had partaken of it without
harm. King Lothair and his nobles took the sacrament in
proof of his separation from Walrada, his mistress, but died
soon afterwards at Piaeenza of a sudden epidemic, and this was
regarded by Pope Hadrian II. as a divine punishment.
Eudolfus Glaber records the case of a monk who boldly
received the consecrated host, but forthwith confessed his crime
when the host slipped out of his navel, white and pure as be-
fore. Sibieho, bishop of Speier, underwent the trial to clear
himself of the charge of adultery (1049). Even Pope Hilde-
brand made use of it in self-defense against Emperor Henry
IV. at Canossa, in 1077. "Lest I should seem," he said, "to
rdy rather on human than divine testimony, and that I may
remove from the minds of all, by immediate satisfaction, every
scruple, behold this body of our Lord which I am about to
take. Let it be to me this day a test of my innocence, and
may the Omnipotent God ifcis day by his judgment absolve me
w co»p«ro&,eor^
279. THE ORDEAL. 347
of the accusations if I am innocent, or let me perish by sudden
death, if guilty." Then the pope calmly took the wafer, and
called upon the trembling emperor to do the same, but Henrv
evaded it on the ground of the absence of both his friends and
his enemies, and promised instead to submit to a trial by the
imperial diet.
The purgatorial oath, when administered by wonder-working
relics, was also a kind of ordeal of ecclesiastical origin. A
false oath on the black cross in the convent of Abington, made
from the nails of the crucifixion, and derived from the Emperor
Constantine, was fatal to the malefactor. In many cases these
relics were the means of eliciting confessions which could not
have been obtained by legal devices.
The genuine spirit of Christianity, however, urged towards
an abolition rather than improvement of all these ordeals.
Occasionally such voices of protest were raised, though for a
long time without effect. Avitus, bishop of Vienne, in the
beginning of the sixth century, remonstrated with Gundobald
for giving prominence to the battle-ordeal in the Burgundian
code. St. Agobard, archbishop of Lyons, before the middle
of the ninth century (he died about 840) attacked the duel and
the ordeal in two special treatises, which breathe the gospel
spirit of humanity, fraternity and peace in advance of his age.1
He says that the ordeals are falsely called judgments of God;
for God never prescribed them, never approved them, never
willed them ; but on the contrary, he commands us, in the law
and the gospel, to love our .neighbor as ourselves, and has ap-
pointed judges for the settlement of controversies among men.
He warns against a presumptuous interpretation of providence
whose counsels are secret and not to be revealed by water and
fire. Several popes, Leo IV. (847-855), Nicolas L (858-867),
adversu* Legem. Gwdobadi (L «.. Leg. Burgwndwmm} et impia car-
tormina qua per earn geruntrur; and Liber Contra Jtutirium Dei. See his Opera
ed. Baiuzius, Paris 1666, T. L 107 sqq., 300 sqq., and in Migne's
Tom. CIV. 1 11&-126, and f. 250-258 (with the notes of Baluzius).
348 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
Stephen YI. (885-891). Sylvester II. (999-1003), Alex-
ander II. (106l-1073i, Alexander III. (1159-1181), Colestin
III. (1191-1198\ Honorius III. (1222), and the fourth
Lareran Council (1215), condemned more or less clearly the
euperstitious and frivolous provocation of miracles.1 It was
by their influence, aided by secular legislation, that these God-
tempting ordeals gradually disappeared during the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, but the underlying idea survived in the
torture which for a long time took the place of the ordeal.
§ 80. The Torture.
HENEY 0. LEA: Superstition and Force (Philad. 1866), p. 281-391.
PATTI* LACEOIX: Manners, Customs, and Dress of the Middle Ages and
during the Renaissance Period (transl. from the French, N. York
1874), p. 407-434 BEACE; Gesta Ckristi, ch. XV.
The torture rests on the same idea as the ordeal.2 It is an
attempt to prove innocence or guilt by imposing a physical pain
which no man can bear without special aid from God. When
the ordeal had fulfilled its mission, the torture was substituted
as a more convenient mode and better fitted for an age less
1 "At length, when the Papal authority reached its culminating point, a
vigorous and sustained effort to abolish the whole system was made by the
Popes who occupied the pontifical throne from 1159-1227. Nothing can be
more peremptory than the prohibition uttered by Alexander III. In 1181,
Lucius III. pronounced null and void the acquittal of a priest charged with
homicide, who had undergone the water-ordeal, and ordered him to prove his
innocence with compurgators, and the blow was followed up by his successors.
Under Innocent HI., the Fourth Council of Lateran, in 1215, formally forbade
the employment of any ecclesiastical ceremonies in such trials; and as the
moral influence of the ordeal depended entirely upon its religious associations,
a strict observance of this canon must speedily have swept the wBole system
into oblivion. Yet at this very time the inquisitor Conrad of Marburg was
employing in Germany the red-hot iron as a means of condemning his unfor-
tunate victims by wholesale, and the chronicler relates that, whether innocent
or guilty, few escaped the test. The canon of Lateran, however, was actively
followed up by the Papal legates, and the effect was soon discernible." Lea,
p. 272,
* 3brfmra from forgwo, to twist, to torment Itai and Spanish: foriura;
French: forfare/ Germ.: Jbfter.
280. THE TOETUEE. 349
superstitious and more sceptical, but quite as despotic and in-
tolerant. It forms one of the darkest chapters in history. For
centuries this atrocious system, opposed to the Mosaic legislation
and utterly revolting to every Christian and humane feeling,
was employed in civilized Christian countries, and sacrificed
thousands of human beings, innocent as well as guilty, to tor-
ments worse than death.
The torture was unknown among the Hindoos and the
Semitic nations, but recognized by the ancient Greeks and
Bomans, as a regular legal proceeding. It was originally con-
fined to slaves who were deemed unfit to bear voluntary testi-
mony, and to require force to tell the truth.1 Despotic emperors
extended it to freemen, first in cases of erimen Icesce majestatis.
Pontius Pilate employed the scourge and the crown of thorns in
the trial of our Saviour. Tiberius exhausted his ingenuity in
inventing tortures for persons suspected of conspiracy, and took
delight in their agony. The half-insane Caligula enjoyed the
cruel spectacle at his dinner-table. Nero resorted to this cruelty
to extort from the Christians the confession of the crime of
incendiarism, as a pretext of his persecution, which he intensified
by the diabolical invention of covering the innocent victims
with pitch and burning them as torches in his gardens. The
younger Pliny employed the torture against the Christians in
i "Their evidence was inadmissible, except when given under torture, and
then by a singular confusion of logic, it was estimated as the most convincing
kind of testimony." Lea, 283. "The modes of torture sanctioned by the
Greeks were the wheel (r/)d^of ), the ladder or rack (xttfJuiZ), the comb with
sharp teeth (KOCL$OS), the low vault (KV<J>QV) in which the unfortunate witness
was thrust and bent double, the burning tiles (TT^V&K), the heavy hog-skin
whip (forptxfc), and the injection of vinegar into the nostrils." Lea, p. 284.
The Bomans used chiefly the scourge. The instruments of torture employed
daring the middle ages were the rack, the thumbscrew, the Spanish boot, iron
gauntlets, heated iron stools, fire, the wheel, the strappado, enforced sleepless-
ness, and various mutilations. Brace says {p. 182) that "nine hundred (?)
different instruments for inflicting pain were invented and used." One tenth
of the number would be bad enough. Collections of these devilish instru-
ments may be seen in the London Tower, and in antiquarian museums on the
Continent.
350 FOURTH PEEIOD. A.D. 590-1049.
Bithynia as imperial governor. Diocletian, in a formal edict,
submitted all professors of the hated religion to this degrading
test. The torture was gradually developed into a regular sys-
tem and embodied in the Justinian Code. Certain rules were
prescribed, and exemptions made in favor of the learned pro-
fessions, especially the clergy, nobles, children below fourteen,
women during pregnancy, etc. The system was thus sanctioned
by the highest legal authorities. But opinions as to its efficiency
differed. Augustus pronounced the torture the best form of
proof. Cicero alternately praises and discredits it. Ulpian,
with more wisdom, thought it unsafe, dangerous, and deceitful.
Among the Northern barbarians the torture was at first un-
known except for slaves. The common law of England does
not recognize it. Crimes were regarded only as injuries to
individuals, not to society, and the chief resource for punish-
ment was the private vengeance of the injured party. But if
a slave, who was a mere piece of property, was suspected of a
theft, his master would flog him till he confessed. All doubtful
questions among freemen were decided by sacramental purgation
and the various forms of ordeal. But in Southern Europe,
where the Roman population gave laws to the conquering bar-
barians, the old practice continued, or revived with the study
of the Roman law. In Southern France and in Spain the
torture was an unbroken ancestral custom. Alfonso the Wise,
in the thirteenth century, in his revision of Spanish jurispru-
dence, known as Las Side Partidas, retained the torture, but
declared the person of man to be the noblest thing on earth,1
and required a voluntary confession to make the forced con-
fession valid. Consequently the prisoner after torture was
brought before the judge and again interrogated ; if he recanted,
he was tortured a second, in grave cases, a third time ; if he
persisted in his confession, he was condemned. During the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the system of torture was
1 * La persona dd home « la mas noble cosa ddmwufo."
\ 80. THE TOETUEK 351
generally introduced in Europe, and took the place of the
ordeal.
The church, true to her humanizing instincts, was at fir^t
hostile to the whole system of forcing evidence. A Synod of
Auxerre (585 or 578) prohibited the clergy to witness a torture.1
Pope Gregory I. denounced as worthless a confession extorted
by incarceration and hunger.2 Nicolas I. forbade the new con-
verts in Bulgaria to extort confession by stripes and by pricking
with a pointed iron, as contrary to all law, human and divine
(866).3 Gratian lays down the general rule that " confessio
cruviatibus extorquenda non esi. "
But at a later period, in dealing with heretics, the Roman
church unfortunately gave the sanction of her highest authority
to the use of the torture, and thus betrayed her noblest instincts
and holiest mission. The fourth Lateran Council (1215) in-
spired the horrible crusades against the Albigenses and TFal-
denses, and the establishment of the infamous ecclesiastico-political
courts of Inquisition. These courts found the torture the most
effective means of punishing and exterminating heresy, and
invented new forms of refined cruelty worse than those of the
persecutors of heathen Home. Pope Innocent IV., in his in-
struction for the guidance of the Inquisition in Tuscany and
Lombardy, ordered the civil magistrates to extort from all
heretics by torture a confession of their own guilt and a be-
trayal of all their accomplices (1252).4 This was an ominous
precedent, which did more harm to the reputation of the papacy
than the extermination of any number of heretics could possibly
do it good. In Italy, owing to the restriction of the ecclesias-
1 Can. 33: "Non licet presbytero nee diacono ad trepdium ubi ra torquentwr,
s